2012. január 25., szerda

M O N I T O R R A C I S M & E X T R E M E R I G H T R O M A E N S I N T I

http://www.annefrank.org/upload/downloads/roma%20en%20sinti%20engels.pdf

Contents
1 Introduction 5
2 Definitions and methodology 8
3 Migration 11
3.1 Origins and persecution 11
3.2 Roma and Sinti in the Netherlands 12
3.3 Post-war migration 14
3.4 Migration and integration 16
4 Social position 20
4.1 Numbers and geographic distribution 20
4.2 Culture 22
4.3 Roma and Sinti: one group? 24
4.4 Housing 26
4.5 Education 27
4.6 Work and income 29
4.7 Organising 31
5 Social disadvantage and exclusion 33
5.1 Introduction 33
5.2 Complaint behaviour 34
5.3 Complaint reporting stations 37
5.4 Public image 39
5.5 Housing 40
5.6 Education 42
5.7 Work 45
5.8 Goods and services 46
5.9 Public policymaking 48
5.10 Police and judiciary 49
6 Conclusions and recommendations 52
6.1 Conclusions 52
6.2 Recommendations 55
Notes 57
Appendix I Key informants 65
Appendix II Interview questions 67

Introduction
Many people would call this a report about ‘Gypsies’. However, it is generally
not acceptable amongst the Roma and Sinti in the Netherlands to use the word
‘Gypsy’. Nonetheless, this is the term used in colloquial speech to refer to these
groups. In addition, not everybody is aware of the difference between ‘Gypsies’
and Travellers. The term Travellers (or caravan dwellers) refers to a lifestyle (or
a type of housing) while the Roma and Sinti are considered an ethnic group.
In the Roma and Sinti community the expression ‘Gypsies’ has a very negative
connotation. The word probably originated from the German phrase ziehender
Gauner, which can be translated as travelling rogue. More than enough reason
for us to refer to them as Roma and Sinti in this study.
On 1 May 2004, the European Union expanded with member states from Middle and Eastern Europe. This raised the question of whether these countries
provide enough opportunity and protection to Roma and Sinti residing within
their borders. It is common knowledge that the Roma and Sinti in these countries occupy a less than enviable position. Consequently, an array of European
institutions — such as the Council of Europe — have repeatedly insisted that this
population group should receive extra assistance and protection against discrimination. However, the question of whether the position of Roma and Sinti
in Western Europe is actually any better also presents itself, or do they simply
attract less attention because the population group is so much smaller. And fi-
nally, to what extent are Roma and Sinti in the Netherlands confronted with
discrimination and unequal treatment? It is this last question that we want to
answer with this study.
Reports are periodically prepared within the framework of the project ‘Monitor
Racism and the Extreme Right’ about the state-of-affairs regarding racial discrimination, racially motivated violence, and the extreme right in the Netherlands. The Monitor Project is conducted in joint cooperation by the Anne Frank
[ 5 ] M O N I T O R R A C I S M & T H E E X T R E M E R I G H T
House and Leiden University. The reporting about the discrimination of Roma
and Sinti in the Netherlands has only been incidental during the course of this
project. For instance: the fourth Monitor Report included an account of the ‘buyout’ in the year 2000 of a group of Roma by the municipality of Driebergen
1
.
The (amount of the) compensation as well as the treatment of these Roma after
their departure from the town attracted the attention of the nationwide media
in the country for months. In addition, the Roma and Sinti scarcely appear in the
figures gathered for the purposes of the Monitor Project. A possible explanation
is that that this relatively small population group experiences no significant
forms of discrimination. The Roma and Sinti do not appear in overviews
such as those compiled in the Netherlands in the past years by the Landelijke
Vereniging van Anti-Discriminatie Bureaus en Meldpunten (National Federation
of Anti-Discrimination Agencies and Hotlines). The Roma and Sinti hardly ever
file complaints with the Dutch Commissie Gelijke Behandeling (cgb or Equal
Treatment Commission) or the Public Prosecutor’s Office. Another plausible
explanation is that the Roma and Sinti in this country experience discrimination,
but they do not report these incidents to established institutions such as the
police, Anti-Discriminatie Bureaus or the Commissie Gelijke Behandeling.
Therefore, how extensive is the discrimination that the Roma and Sinti experience in the Netherlands? Because exact figures in this area are lacking, we
sought the advice of ‘key informants’ to answer this question. These are people
who have specific expertise in the subject area Roma and Sinti. Our goal was to
make an inventory — from the perspective of the Roma and Sinti — of whether
incidental or structural instances of discrimination occurred in the period 2002-
2003. This particular time frame was chosen because it corresponds with the
most recent (fifth) Monitor Report and also prevents our analysis from being
based on material that is (more or less) outdated. Information provided by the
key informants was supplemented by available statistics in this area, which
were collected in the same period by the Documentation Centre of the Anne
Frank House.
It is almost impossible to answer the questions posed in this investigation, or
to make recommendations, without considering the background and social
position of those who live in the different Roma and Sinti communities in the
Netherlands. Therefore, such an account is included in this report. The selection of the key informants and the chosen methodology are explained later in
these pages.

Sinti in Deutschland

http://www.sintiundroma.de/

POLITICAL PARTICIPATION AND MEDIA REPRESENTATION OF ROMA AND SINTI IN ITALY The case studies of Bolzano-Bozen, Mantua, Milan and Rome

http://www.osservazione.org/documenti/osce_italy.pdf

Research coordinator: Nando Sigona
Research team: Lorenzo Monasta, Francesca Saudino, Nando
Sigona and Andreea R. Torre
Draft final report
26 July 2006

TABLE OF CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION 3
Aims and methods 3
Summary of the key objectives 4
COUNTRY PROFILE 5
Local elections and voting system 5
Political participation of non-EU citizens in local politics 6
Roma and Sinti in Italy 6
BOLZANO – BOZEN: A DIVIDED CITY 9
Introduction 9
Sinti and Roma in Bolzano 10
Political parties and electoral platforms on Roma and Sinti 11
Local press 13
Political participation of Roma and Sinti 15
Summary 16
MANTUA, A SINTO AT THE CITY COUNCIL 18
Introduction 18
Roma and Sinti in Mantua 18
Politicians and electoral platforms 19
Media representation of Roma and Sinti during the electoral campaign 19
Political participation by Roma and Sinti 21
Summary 24
MILAN: “NOMADS” OUT OF TOWN 25
Introduction 25
Roma and Sinti in Milan 25
Media representation of Roma and Sinti during the electoral campaign 25
“The Gypsy issue” in the electoral campaing 28
Political participation of Roma and Sinti: obstacles and possibilities 31
Summary 32
ROME: NO VOICE FOR THE ROMA 33
Introduction 33
Roma and Sinti in Rome 33
Politicians and electoral platforms 34
Media representation of Roma and Sinti during the electoral campaign. 37
Political participation by Roma and Sinti 39
Summary 40
CONCLUSIONS 42
RECOMMENDATIONS 44

Aims and methods
The main aim of this research is to discuss experiences, possibilities and obstacles to the
political participation of Roma and Sinti in Italy at local level. The ethos of our investigation is
set by the principles stated in the OSCE “Action Plan on Improving the Situation of Roma
and Sinti”, in particular:
Roma and Sinti people have an equal right to participate in public affairs. This includes the
rights to vote, stand for election, participate in public affairs and form political parties without
discrimination
2
.
States must be proactive in ensuring Roma and Sinti effective participation in public and
political life and in their action they are encouraged, the Action Plan states, to take into
account the following principles:
- Early involvement;
- Inclusiveness;
- Transparency;
- Meaningful participation of Roma and Sinti people at all levels of government;
- Ownership.
Bearing these in mind, the research explores in the four case studies (Milan, Bolzano-Bozen,
Mantua and Rome) three dimensions: the media coverage of Roma and Sinti’s issues during
the last campaign for local elections; the role of the “Gypsy issue” in the political manifestos
and electoral campaigns of the main political parties and coalitions; finally, Roma and Sinti’s
views on, and experiences of, political participation at local election and at local polity, in
general.
In order to investigate these dimensions, we used a range of qualitative research methods: a
number of semi-structured interviews with key informants, local journalists; Roma and Sinti’s
activists and candidates and local politicians were carried out in each location; the
systematic review of local press - using as key words: “Rom”, “Sinti”, “zingari” and “nomadi” -
1
We wish to thank all individuals and organisations that helped us with their time and knowledge in
Bolzano, Milan, Rome and Mantua.
2
Decision no. 566, 27 November 2003, Action Plan on improving the situation of Roma and Sinti
within the OSCE area: http://www.osce.org/documents/odihr/2003/11/1562_en.pdf
3Political participation and media representation of Roma and Sinti in Italy osservAzione
was conducted on two newspapers for each location in the month proceeding the election ;
finally, we collected and analysed the contents of electoral manifestos, platforms, posters,
leaflets and press statements concerning Roma and Sinti. .....

The Life and Death of Roma and Sinti in Italy: A Modern Tragedy

http://www.errc.org/cms/upload/media/03/B6/m000003B6.pdf

R
oma have been present in Italy since
the 15th century, partly as a result of
migrations from Southeast Europe
caused by the expansion of the Ottoman Empire. Romani groups from
the Ionic and Adriatic coast settled in the south
of Italy, followed in the 16
th
century by the settlement of Sinti groups from Northern Europe in the
north of Italy. Vlax Roma arrived from Moldavia
and Valacchia in the 19
th
century. At the end of
the First World War all Roma in the annexed territories became Italian citizens.
Another migration, this time from Croatia
and Slovenia, occurred during the Second
World War. Starting in the 1960s, there
were other waves of migration from Poland,
Hungary and ex-Yugoslavia, particularly after
the disintegration of the latter and the Balkan
wars. The first Romanian Roma arrived in Italy
in the 1970s. Their numbers increased over the
years, particularly after the lifting of the visa
regime in 2002 and the accession of Romania
to the European Union in 2007. Many of these
migrants do not have Italian citizenship, in
spite of the fact that they have been living
uninterrupted in Italy for several decades.
2
It is estimated today that the Romani
population in Italy numbers around 140,000.
Eighty thousand of them have Italian nationality.
The recent census shows there are 12,346 Roma
living around Rome, Naples and Milan. The
Government estimates that 12,000, mostly
from Romania, left Italy between the beginning
of June 2008 and October 2008, when the
government undertook a census.
3
The Italian perception of Roma and Sinti
Roma and Sinti in Italy are referred to as “nomads”
(Nomadi) by both the authorities and the general
population, who believe that these communities
prefer to live in camps separated from mainstream
Italian society. They are considered “foreigners”
even if only a part of the Romani population living
in the camps is non-Italian, and perceived of as
nomads despite the fact that 70% of the Romani
population has been sedentary for several decades.
4
1
Henry Scicluna was born in Malta and studied law at the university in his home country. He joined
the staff of the Council of Europe in 1969 and has worked in the European Court of Human Rights
and in various sectors dealing with health and social affairs. He retired in 2003, and since then
he has worked on a voluntary basis as Coordinator of Activities Concerning Roma and Travellers
within the Council of Europe and with other international organisations. Mr Scicluna played an
important role in the establishment of the European Roma and Travellers Forum.
2
Council of Europe Advisory Committee on the Framework Convention for the Protection of
National Minorities Second Opinion on Italy. ACFC/INF/OP/(2005)003. 24 February 2005. http:
//www.coe.int/t/e/human_rights/minorities/2._framework_convention_%28monitoring%29/2._
monitoring_mechanism/4._opinions_of_the_advisory_committee/1._country_specific_opinions/
2._second_cycle/PDF_2nd_OP_Italy_en.pdf.
3
UN Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination: State Party Report, Italy. CERD/C/
406/Add.1. 17 October, 2000. http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/country,,CERD,,ITA,4562d8b62,3a
e6aedc10,0.html. Wanted in Rome . “Immigrants: Roma Census Results”. 24 October 2008. http:
//www.wantedinrome.com/news/news.php?id_n=5024.
4
European Commission Against Racism and Intolerance Second Report on Italy. CRI (2002) 4. 23
April 2002. http://www.coe.int/t/e/human_rights/ecri/5-Archives/1-ECRI%27s_work/5-CBC_
Second_reports/Italy_CBC2_en.pdf ........
...... NEXT THE LINK!!!

Sinti roma