Society and Lifestyles –
Gypsy Studies – Cigány Tanulmányok23.
Forray R. Katalin, Beck Zoltán, ed.
Society and Lifestyles –
Hungarian Roma and Gypsy Communities
University of Pécs, Faculty of Humanities, Institute of Education,
Department of Romology and Sociology of Education
PÉCS, 2008.
Gypsy Studies – Cigány TanulmányokThis volume was published as part of the research
project of Society and Lifestyles.
Published by University of Pécs, Faculty of Humanities, Institute of Education,
Department of Romology and Sociology of Education •
7624 Pécs, Ifjúság str. 6. • Publisher: Forray R. Katalin • Editor: Cserti Csapó Tibor •
Editors: Forray R. Katalin, Beck Zoltán • Lecturer: Sári B. László •
Cover art: Ofszet Hungária Kft. • Printed by Ofszet Hungária Kft.
Pécs, Szabadság str. 28. • Director: Takács Imre • Printed in 100 copies •
ISBN: xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx • ISSN: 1586–62625
Content
Katalin R. Forray – Society and Lifestyles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .7
Roma nation in the Hungarian society . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14
Research methodology and questionnaire design . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19
Pálmainé Orsós Anna – Issues of Beas language
teaching and language planning in Hungary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21
1. Gypsies in Hungary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21
2. Gypsy languages in Hungary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26
3. Gypsy languages in school education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28
4. Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35
Works Cited . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37
Lakatos Szilvia – Gypsy languages in Baranya County . . . . . . . . . . . .43
Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43
1. Gypsy language or Gypsy languages?. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45
2. The language status of the Gypsy/Roma minority . . . . . . . . . . . . . 49
3. Linguistic attitudes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55
4. The linguistic features of the Gypsy/Roma
community in the city of Pécs. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 58
5. Language politics: minority language rights . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 59
Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 61
Works Cited . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 62
Aranka Varga – Gypsy children in education –
inclusive school based on cooperation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .66
Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 66
1. Educational indicators . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 67
2. Educational forms – the legal framework . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 71
3. Roma pedagogy vs. inclusive education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 76
Works Cited . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 846
Tibor Cserti Csapó – Spatial-sociological description
of the Roma population in Hungary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .89
The settlement of the Gypsy population in Hungary . . . . . . . . . . . . . 89
1. Geographical-spatial distribution in Hungary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 89
2. Spatial distribution of the Roma population in
Southern Transdanubia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 107
3. Distribution of the Roma population by settlement type . . . . . . . 109
4. Migration processes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .111
5. Segregation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .119
Works Cited . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 125
Sources . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1267
Katalin R. Forray – Society and Lifestyles
Towards Enhancing Social Harmony through Knowing Subcultural Communities
This research project of fi fteen partner institutions from ten countries,
headed by Vytautas Magnus University ( Vilnius, Lithuania), aims at enhancing our knowledge of the social status of the various groups with different
lifestyles. The primary objective of the three-year (2006–2009) project is to
gather information on the position of various European value systems in new
Member States of the European Union.
The project has been funded by the European Union under the social
sciences and humanities section of the Sixth Framework Programme. Its aim is
to study communities which represent different worldviews, values and beliefs.
The area to be investigated – the ten participating states – comprises postcommunist countries. As long as those more or less totalitarian systems prevailed, such minority groups could not exist, or at least not appear in public.
These communities are sometimes collectively referred to as „fringers”.
The term stands for small, extreme groups living on the fringes of society. The
designation „fringers”, however, does not fi t all groups in question, thus its use
has been avoided throughout the project. Not all communities were included
in the study, and each group has some specifi c characteristics. (An example
could be the group of Muslims found by one of our colleagues in Bratislava, or
the hip-hops in the neighborhood of a Romanian university.)
It was not the intention of this project to fi nd and describe each and
every „fringer” community of the region, as that would have been far beyond
the scope of the programme. The goal was rather to describe groups of as
many kinds of values, norms and habits as possible, which, somehow, act to
disrupt and divide the monolithic structure of society. As a consequence, the
sample includes some communities which are made up of only a couple of
families (e.g. Euro-Indians in Bratislava) as well as groups of several hundred
people (e.g. Lithuanian nationalist skinheads).
In the early stages, the multitude of communities seemed to be some
diffuse mixture, yet our analyses and comparisons led to the defi nition of three
well-distinguished groups for the purposes of this research project:
1. „Taste” subcultures
2. New religious movements8
3. Ethnic/religious groups.
The fi rst category covers hippies, punks, skinheads, solitary neo-cottagers, new-Bohemians, Euro-Indians, hip-hops, drug users, club-movements,
football hooligans, criminal gangs and political communities of radical youth.
These groups, made up of a varying number of (primarily young) people, are
basically held together by sharing a common taste – in clothing, in hair-dos,
in music. Of course, things are much more complicated than that, and no one
truly believes that there are no signifi cant differences between football hooligans and young intellectuals moving into abandoned villages for shorter or
longer periods of time (certainly as a part of their lifestyle). Moreover, coherence within these groups might be provided by ideas other than „taste”, as well:
worldviews, values or lifestyle in the broadest possible senses of these words.
The second group includes communities such as krishnaists, movements
with a Celtic background, followers of Roerich’s Buddhist teachings, Orthodox Christian followers of Visarion, believers of the ancient Latvian Dievturi
Church, Romuva (ancient Baltic religion) and Slavlanie (another ancient Slavic
religion), new-pagans, other communities with roots in the Far East, etc. This
second group is rather diverse, too, yet the dimensions along which we can
categorize their elements seem to be clearer. It is apparent that the majority
of new religious communities found and analyzed by our researchers in their
own country or region belong to one of the following types: ancient and/or
pre-Christian religions with emphasis on national identity (cf. ancient Lithuanian and Slavic religions), early Christian movements expressing the desire for
a true community or Far Eastern religions.
Finally, the third category consists of Gypsy/Roma communities, Muslim minorities in Slovakia and radical Muslim groups in Russia. Even though
different Gypsy communities can be found in any one of the participating
countries, it was our department which took on the task of exploring Roma
issues – thus involving Gypsies as a „fringers” community – within the framework of the present study. The rather small community of Slovakian Muslims
– just like the Muslims of Kazakh origin we found in Russia – are actually an
ethnic community (Afghans), keeping their traditions alive as an immigrant
ethnic minority, assimilating the spouses whom they married locally.
The primary aim of this comparative study is to
• determine the degree of subgroup differentiation in post-communist
societies,
• study the process of differentiation,9
• to compare both the subgroup structure and the differentiation processes in the post-communist societies to those observed in Western
Europe – the reason for the participation of e.g. British researchers.
A further objective is to observe and describe how groups emerge, grow,
function and disappear. The description of these processes might be of interest
both in terms of theory and practice. This matter is clearly important for cultural anthropology and sociology, especially because these processes are clearly
nonlinear, and recent advances in computational tools make such studies fi -
nally possible. These research topics are of great practical concern and applicability because they can facilitate the solution of problems in social cohesion
and inter-group tensions.
The project will take an interdisciplinary approach, primarily based on
the aspects and methodologies of cultural, social and political anthropology.
Fieldwork will be focused on revealing the real life of these groups, and on understanding their values, beliefs, worldviews and religions. Developing a comprehensive understanding of these previously unseen, colorful worlds would
have hardly been possible by means of verbal methods only. Consequently, the
research plan included the requirement of multi-stage, multi-method presentation right from the beginning.
As one could expect from any decent research project, our tasks did not
only comprise the collection and annotation of related literature, publications
and internal and external links. Most of the communities under analysis wanting to be seen and/or heard, the making of photographs, sound and video recordings proved to be really important.
In order for the comparative research to succeed, meetings and conferences are crucial, as they provide an opportunity to hear from and report on
project progress, delayed or early completion of some scheduled items, possible
organizational or interpretational problems.
It is the „nature” of youth subcultures that inevitably requires the
project to include meetings where not only verbal presentations are held but
research participants can gain personal experience of the communities in question. For example, it was part and parcel of our conference in Pécs that we
took a fi eldtrip in the Ormánság region and participated in a dance event.
Our Lithuanian partners in charge of the project and hosts to the majority of
conferences invited participants to alternative arts festivals and folklore events
which also served as preferred meeting points for the communities in question.
Kernavé, for example, hosted a feast of pre-Christian Lithuanian history and 10
cultural heritage, while in Zarasai a festival of post-folk, emo and other music
genres and related „lifestyle communities” was held.
Some of the movies presented might be considered pieces of art, as well,
beyond documenting the everyday life, holidays or habits of a community.
All the sound and video recordings, in addition to the written documents can be found on the SAL project homepage.
Hungary is represented in the project by the Department of Romology
at the University of Pécs (Faculty of Humanities), whose researchers set out to
explore the lifestyles of the Hungarian Gypsy/Roma communities and their
position in the social fi eld.
The novelty of this approach is that it allows for a comparison between
various „lifestyle communities” and different societies. As a result, we will get
a picture of how each subculture of the participating countries interprets and
articulates their identity, separation and social involvement. It has also been
investigated how the society of the majority (media, science) acknowledges the
existence of the various minorities, and what the relationships between different subcultural communities look like.
The inclusion of Roma issues does not only broaden the picture, but it
also seems inevitable. This holds true even though one had to and still has to
expect different communities to demonstrate signifi cantly different characteristics in several dimensions of the study. The point is not that ethnicity is
not a „chosen” or a „choosable” attribute (although the degree of identifi cation might vary in most cases), as it applies to some other communities under
analysis (for Muslims, Indians, as mentioned above). It is not a relevant question, either, whether Gypsy or Roma communities are true „lifestyle-groups”
(not necessarily as one single group or community – I pursued this argument
in previously, and no claims were formulated to the contrary).
Much more important are some unique characteristics of practical importance, which required efforts different from (most of the time: stronger
than) what was typical for the other subcultural communities. First of all, we
have to mention the population of the community, which amounts to several
hundred thousands in case of the Roma, while some subcultural communities
hardly exceed 20 to 50 people. Another factor is the huge amount of literature
available on Roma communities, which, of course, makes things a lot easier on
the one hand: an undertaking to explore each and every aspect of Roma issues
would have been far beyond our capabilities. On the other hand, however, hav-11
ing to review the tenfold of the usual two or three publications is defi nitely a
hardship. We encountered the very same features in each stage of the research:
in exploring and describing existing literature and documentation, in the scientifi c description of a comprehensive system of relationships, in conducting and
analyzing the interviews and in planning, conducting and analyzing the questionnaire survey. On top of these, further diffi culties emerged with language.
Problems of the scientifi c and everyday use of the English language set aside,
attention must be given to the severe diffi culties encountered in comparative
empirical studies as demonstrated by, in this very case, the issues of adapting
the questionnaire to the Hungarian environment and then translating it back
into English.
Describing the Hungarian Roma within this framework allows for outlining a picture uniquely rich in detail. The ethnic dimension and the extent to
which people retain their traditions is a particularly important aspect (the most
numerous subgroups of Hungarian Roma are Romungro (or „Hungarian”)
Gypsies, Vlach (or „Wallachian” or „Olah”) Gypsies and Boyash (or „Beás”)
Gypsies). Thus, we also desire to know what cultural values each Gypsy/Roma
subgroup has, which of those values they think is their own, and what they
think about the other Gypsy/Roma groups and the culture prevailing in majority society.
The fi rst phase of the project was the planning stage: our team happened to be in the enviable position of joining in to a completed tender with
funds already secured, yet still being able to have some of our own professional
ideas accepted. A particularly important person in establishing and maintaining links to the project management team in Lithuania was Szabolcs Fekete.
The next stage involved the collection and review of documents, data
and literature – here, everyone from the department had their own role, with
organizational tasks having been shared between Szabolcs Fekete and Mónika
Balázsovics.
Subsequently, the required studies on the situation of the Roma population were written by the staff of the Department of Romology – the studies
featured in the book you are holding in your hands right now.
Next we interviewed prominent, typical members of the Gypsy/Roma
community based on the interview plan prepared in collaboration with other
project participants. Some of the fi ndings of the interviews were presented at
the conference held at our university, and a more in-depth analysis will follow
during the evaluation of the questionnaire survey.12
The function of the questionnaire is to reveal both the unique and the
common characteristics of the communities in question. As implied earlier,
a common structure for the questionnaires was developed by the Lithuanian
party – which questionnaire had to be adapted to our country: translated into
Hungarian and revised to suit our target group. Results will be presented in a
later publication.
The present compilation will undertake the task of introducing the international research project itself (Katalin Forray R.) and its homepage and
archives (Mónika Balázsovics). The presentation given at the 2007 conference
organized by our department provides a summary of research fi ndings up to
that date, yet does not include an analysis of the interviews. Additional studies
describe the Gypsy/Roma population under analysis according to fi ve different aspects, also introducing their issues to be addressed in the comparative
part of the study. Each of the fi ve authors (Zoltán Beck, Tibor Cserti Csapó,
Szilvia Lakatos, Mrs. Anna Pálmai, Aranka Varga) looks into one element of
their lifestyles.
We cherish the hope that outcomes of our project will be useful not only
for the development of the social sciences but in that of the members of subcultural groups as well. It is presumed that the SAL project will raise tolerance
towards different attitudes and lifestyles and hence enhance social harmony.
SAL project participants
Project Coordinator: Egidija Ramanauskaitė Kiškina (Vytautas Magnus
University, Centre for Cultural Studies, Lithuania)
Project Management: Juras Ulbikas and Linas Eriksonas (Europarama,
Lithuania)
The project unites 15 partners from 10 countries:
• Vytautas Magnus University, Lithuania (VMU),
• Europarama, Lithuania (EP)
• Institute of Lithuanian Scientifi c Society, Lithuania (MSI)
• University of Central Lancashire, United Kingdom (UCLAN)
• University of SS. Cyril and Methodius in Trnava Slovakia (UCM)
• Tallinn University, Estonia (TLU)
• Daugavpils University, Latvia (DU)
• University of Pécs, Hungary (U of Pecs)13
• Warsaw Agricultural University, Poland (WAU)
• Dunarea de Jos University of Galati, Romania, (UGAL)
• University of Warwick, United Kingdon (UW)
• University of Salford, United Kingdom (USAL)
• Centre for Analytic Studies and Development, Russia (CASD)
• Scientifi c Research Centre Region, Russia (SRC Region)
• Centre of Sociological, Political and Psychological Analysis and Investigations, Moldova (CIVIS)
Translated by Márk Palotás14
Roma nation in the Hungarian society
Project Leader: Prof Katalin R. Forray
Assistant: Mónika Balázsovics
Facts
The size of the Gypsy/Roma population in Hungary is about 500.000–
600.000. The Roma population is divided into different ethnic and/or socioeconomic sub-groups.
Initial Questions
• Are there different lifestyles within the Gypsy/Roma population in
Hungary? Do those lifestyles contribute to their social integrations?
• Do various lifestyles depend on the different socio-economic backgrounds of the various subgroups (i. e. connections between career
patterns and schooling levels)?
• While loosing their ethnic traditions and receiving new identities, do
‘fringers’ belong to the ‘underclass’ – or do they create parts of the
‘over-class’ (dominant groups)?
Research Findings
1 The Romungro call themselves „Raj-Gypsies“, „Gentleman Gypsies“.
They are better educated then the other groups, often send their children to
higher education. They are proud of their Gypsy origin. They despise the other
groups of Gypsies. They lost their language. Their culture connects them with
the middle class of the majority of the society. If the groom is coming outside
of the musicians, he is usually called a „jew”. The most successful families live
in Budapest and other city centres of Hungary.
Our thematic publication under SAL-Project: For ray R. Katalin, Muzsikusnak lenni / To be Musician, PTE, Pécs, 2007, 80 p. language: Hungarian.
The Boyash live in the South of the Transdanubian region of Hungary.
Originally living in small villages, they are moving today to larger centres.
They are integrating quickly. Music, dances, costumes, dishes and the language
are the remained elements of their traditional culture. They view themselves
as peaceful, hard-working people contrary to other groups. They are despised
by the other Gypsy/Roma groups, because of their assimilation. There are 15
discrimination and prejudices from the majority because their dark skin. The
poor Boyash communities still live in small villages with high unemployment
rate.
Our thematic publication under SAL-Project: Sánta Alíz, Szokások, babonák beás közösségekben – g yerekszemmel / Traditions, Superstitions in Boyash Communities by Child’s Eye, PTE, Pécs, 2008, 89 p. language: Hungarian.
The Olah Gypsies (the Roma) live scattered throughout of Hungary,
however they have remained in close contacts. The sub-group which has saved
its cultural tradition consists of those who speak the Romani. Traditional
dresses are only worn by the elderly, but their music and dances are popular
everywhere in Hungary. They consider themselves the real Gypsies (proud of
being the true Gypsies). The most successful members are mostly entrepreneurs (e.g. construction business) and traders. They are the main point of the
antitziganism in Hungary.
2 The elite of the Roma / Gypsy community can be divided into three
groups:
• of the communities (the ‘Voivodas’ – Chiefs – and traditional leaders
their families) – they are unknow for the dominant society,
• and other the educated people – they have respect in the domi- artists
nant society,
• – they live away from the own ethnicity, it would be neces- politicians
sary, to make a new researchwork in this subgroup.
3 I n Bud apest (the capita l of Hun g a r y) the Roma/Gy ps y people is pa r tly
living in ‘ghettos’ and partly scattered. However the Gypsy/Roma population
it is present mainly in the poorest rural areas of the country. Their lifestyles as
a ‘ghetto’ population may cause critical social situations. The ‘underclass’ of the
‘ghettos’ is a niche for criminalism.
4 There are strong prejudices against the Gypsies which conceder the
Gypsy population as a homogeneous community. In case of economic and
moral crisis, prejudices may create social and ethnical tensions.
5 The analysis of the mainstream newspapers showed that one theme
dominated the public discourse in the year of 2008. It was the crimes committed by Roma gangs; as well as petty larcenies committed by Gypsies from
the rural areas. The government is helpless in this respect. It may therefore be
expected that the Gypsy/Roma people will be the scapegoat of the present
economic and political crisis. 16
Our thematic publication under SAL-Project: Lakatos Szilvia, A romani
nyelv a közoktatásban, in. Tízéves a Romológia (konferenciakötet) / Romolog y of Ten,
PTE, Pécs, 2008, 171–182.
Selected Data
Table 1
Confl icts between the dominant society and Roma according to the place of residence*
Capital City
Small
town
Village Summa
Prejudice Ps 5 22 37 40 104
% 11,6% 31,4% 35,9% 30,1% 29,8%
Discrimi nation Ps 18 23 11 20 72
% 41,9% 32,9% 10,7% 15,0% 20,6%
Culture/language Ps 8 7 23 21 59
% 18,6% 10,0% 22 ,3% 15,8% 16,9%
Unemploy ment Ps 9 18 22 42 91
% 20,9% 25,7% 31,4% 31,6% 26,1%
Politic Ps 1 9 5 15
% 2,3% 8,7% 3,8% 4,3%
Education Ps 2 1 5 8
% 4,7% 1,0% 3,8% 2 ,3%
Summa Ps 43 70 103 133 349
% 100,0% 100,0% 100,0% 100,0% 100,0%
* Only the valid answers
Table 2
Confl icts between the dominant society and Roma according to the ethnic group*
Boyash Lovari Rom ungro
Other
Gypsy
groups
Summa
Prejudice Ps 19 3 1 4 27
% 25,0% 10,7% 25,0% 28,6% 22,1%
Dicrimi nation Ps 15 10 1 26
% 19,7% 35,7% 7,1% 21,3%
Culture/language Ps 8 3 2 3 16
% 10,5% 10,7% 50,0% 21,4% 13,1%
Unemploy ment Ps 32 11 1 9 50
% 42,1% 29,3% 25,0% 42,8% 41,0%
Education Ps 2 1 3
% 2,6% 3,6% 2,5%
Summa Ps 76 28 4 14 122
% 100,0% 100,0% 100,0% 100,0% 100,0%
* Only the valid answers17
Table 3
People’s Self Images
Emotional/cohesive 59,8%
Diligent/intelligent 13,5%
Honest 7,0%
Open 4,9%
Vivacious 4,7%
Traditional 1,6%
Multi-coloured 1,4%
Malevolent 1,4%
Tzigane 1,2%
Lasy, not working 0,9%
Religious 0,7%
Policy Recommendations
1 The multiculturalism, cultural alternatives are not familiar for the
society of our “transit” countries. The society is intolerant with the visible subculture groups. In Hungary the Roma community represents a visible minority, so they have to recognize the signs of prejudices. The economical regression drives to the nomination of scapegoats. The Roma community or other
subcultural groups are the most adequate for this role. The necessary policy
would be the continuous fi ght against racism and xenophoby from the early
childhood to old age, and from the school to the media.
2 The Gypsy community has to understand and learn how to take on
and express his own identity. The young intellectual has to develop and practice the new models of behaviour. It is necessary to involve mediators between
minority and the dominant society. They could be the young Roma intellectuals also.
3 The society has to learn how to discuss those problems and how to
deal with them. Only this way can the interethnic tensions be eased. Studies
like our SAL Project may be useful and necessary to learn how to discuss questions like ethnic identities and subcultural communities. Prjects like our SAL
may this way contribute to social freedom.18
Publications
Balázsovics, Mónika (2008), Research and International Cooperation
via Internet: The case of the SAL Project. In: Forray, Beck 2008: 100–112
Cserti Csapó, Tibor (2008), A Territorial and Sociological Survey of
the Gypsy Population in Hungary. In: Forray, Beck 2008: 85–99
Cserti Csapó, Tibor, ed. (2008), The Tenth Anniversary of Romology.
Pécs: The University of Pécs, 250 p. (Hungarian)
Forray, R. Katalin (2007), To be a Musician. Pécs: The University of
Pécs, 80 p. (Hungarian)
Forray, R. Katalin (2008), Society and Lifestyles in the Hungarian
Gypsy Communities: An Introduction. In: Forray, Beck 2008: 5–7
Forray, R. Katalin (2008), Society and Lifestyles: Questions of Methodology. In: Forray, Beck 2008: 8–21
Forray, R Katalin, Zoltán Beck eds. (2008), Society and Lifestyles:
Hungarian Gypsy/Roma Communities. Pécs: The University of Pécs
Lakatos, Szilvia (2008), Romani Language in Baranya County, Hungary. In: Forray, Beck 2008: 40–61
P Orsós, Anna (2008), Boyash Language Teaching and Languageplanning in Hungary. In: Forray, Beck 2008: 22–39
Sánta, Alíz (2008), In the Children’s Eyes: Traditions and Superstitions
in the Boyash Community. Pécs: The University of Pécs. (Hungarian)
Varga, Aranka (2008), The Education of Gypsy Children: Inclusive
Schooling Based on Cooperation. In: Forray, Beck 2008: 62–8419
Research methodology and questionnaire design
The present empirical study is part of an international research project
(SAL) aimed at exploring the lifestyle and characteristics of the various social
groups/subcultures living in Europe. In Hungary, analyses were focused on
the Gypsy/Roma minority, being the most populous such group in the country. This research was conducted by the Department of Romology and Sociology of Education at the University of Pécs, Prof. Katalin R. Forray DSc being
in charge of the project. Both the staff and the students of the department took
part in the project.
Each country participating in the SAL project agreed to develop a methodology which allows for the comparison of the lifestyles and characteristics of
the various groups in question. Attention must be given to the fact, however,
that different groups might require different methods. Applying the very same
instrument for e.g. a small group of 20 people as for the Gypsy/Roma would
be very questionable from a methodological point of view.
A standard questionnaire developed by participating countries provided the basis which had to be adapted to the studied group by each research
team. Our questionnaire was worked out observing the characteristics of the
Hungarian Roma and the requirement of comparability. The fi rst part of the
questionnaire included questions about the system of values of respondents,
followed by those on individual and community activities related to the group.
Also covered was the relationship of the group to the majority society and
vice versa. Some questions were related to musical and other arts interests,
and last but not least, we asked about the demographic attributes of respondents. The majority being so-called open questions, this one was clearly not a
standard structured questionnaire in its classical sense of the term. The reason
for that was our intention to portray the Gypsy/Roma lifestyle as objectively
as possible, thus interview situations had to be more realistic as they usually
are in the case of questionnaire surveys. Another advantage of open questions is not forcing the respondents’ way of thinking into some rigid structure.
Consequently, answers cannot be directly compared, as there might be just as
many different answers as respondents. Thus, following a careful review of
all completed questionnaires, the coding of open responses was completed by
two researchers simultaneously (excluding potential bias due to differences in
interpretation), based on an elaborate system of criteria.20
Concerning methodology, respondents’ unequal reading and writing
skills seem to be of most concern. Occasionally, sur veyors assisted respondents
in reading and interpreting the questions, which might obviously cause bias.
Due to the nature of the studied group (differentiation between members and non-members being diffi cult), the most suitable sampling method
appeared to be snowball sampling. In order for the sampling to be truly effective, initial subjects were chosen with respect to the heterogenity of the Roma
and the geographical distribution of each group. Consequently, our sample
involved respondents from Romungro, Boyash and Vlach etc. groups, and we
also managed to include North Hungarian, Transdanubian etc. Gypsy/Roma
groups as well as inhabitants of Budapest, the capital of Hungary. For the
purposes of this study, we recorded as Gypsies/Roma only those who avowed
themselves as such. The survey was conducted in October and November 2007
by surveyors chosen from amongst the department’s students.
Translated by Márk Palotás 21
Pálmainé Orsós Anna – Issues of Beas language
teaching and language planning in Hungary
1. Gypsies in Hungary
In the rank of the size of the Gypsy population Hungary occupies the
fourth place (after Rumania, Bulgaria and Spain) among 38 European countries. (Bureau of National and Ethnic Minorities, 2005)
Several censuses on the Gypsy population were administered in the previous centuries, yet the data are very controversial, therefore it is also remarkably incomplete in the statistics of the national census. As Gypsies live on the
periphery, they are hardly accessible, and to defi ne who they actually are lacks
straightforward parameters. Although several attempts along different criteria
were made to put the main notions of being Gypsy into categories, there has
not emerged an accepted uniform defi nition.
Being a Gypsy is of low prestige for a certain part of society due to
the fi xed prejudices that dominated during the centuries. The majority of the
Gypsies declare themselves as belonging to the majority population and usually adopt the language of the host country, and the religion of the immediate
environment. This is because only some of the countries regard them as a nationality, and in the case of other countries, because of the lack of a homeland,
they classify themselves as an ethnic minority. As a result of this, there are
especially great differences between the data of offi cial census and of scientifi c
estimations.
The population of the Gypsy minority in the Censuses (1949-2001)
Year Gypsy Nationality
1949 37,598
1980 6,404
1990 142,683
2001 190,000
Table 1. Data of Hungarian Nationalities (Budapest, HCSO, 1992)
1
1.1. The population of Gypsies
The data of the censuses of every ten years, which are also registers of
people’s mother tongue accordingly, have shown signifi cant differences since
1 National Census of 1990. Data of Hungarian nationalities by counties, Hungarian Central
Statistical Offi ce. Budapest, 1992.22
the end of the 19th century. This can be interpreted as a result of the wandering life style, which meant emigration and immigration at the same time.
The fi rst – prepared, carefully carried out and detaileded – Hungarian research on this ethnic group was a “Gypsy-register” done on the 31
st
of
January 1893, which deals with the aspects of nationality and language of the
Gypsies in a separate chapter. About Gypsies in Hungary then amounting to a
population of 280,000, we learn the following:
“… more than half of all the Gypsies, 52.16%, doesn’t speak the Gypsy
language. Speaking their language alone does not necessarily infl uence their
habits; completely civilized individuals, such as prominent musicians are likely
to speak their mother-tongue, whereas among those who acquired the language and settled down, especially in Vlach (Oláh) or Tót villages, we fi nd persons of low intellect and wild temper. Thus, the big number of non-speakers
of a Gypsy language is a proof of abandoning their origins and advance to the
other elements of the nation…” (Mezey 155)
One of the aims of the research of 1893 was to take a survey of the
wandering Gypsies to hasten their settling down. Throughout the analysis of
the research, it has been found – among others – that abandoning their mother
tongue promotes their integration into the majority population. Accordingly,
it is not in “Power’s” interest to take measures for preserving the Gypsy language; on the contrary, the latent interest points to the settling down of the
Gypsies, or the process of language decline.
In this period numerous decrees were passed, most of which were aimed
at putting and end to the wandering lifestyle of the Gypsies, and at settling
them down as soon as possible.
The majority of the Gypsies abandoned their former lifestyle in the beginning of the 20
th
century, and they were settled down. Many different efforts were being made to stabilize their situation because the Gypsy issue was
considered a serious social problem. Some of the provisions resulted in mass
emigration of already settled families.
Nearly eighty years had passed after the examination of Gypsies of 1893
when the next extensive research was done. The only representative
2
sociological research on the Gypsy population, which contains statistical data about the
number, and the distribution regarding language groups and mother tongue,
2 Results of the Gypsy register of 31st January, 1893 in Hungary. Hungarian Statistical Review.
Special Issue, Vol. IX, 1985.23
was conducted by István Kemény and his fellow researchers in 1971 (repeated
in 1993 and 2003).
The population of the Gypsy minority in Sociological research
Year Number
1893 280,000
1971
3
270,000–370,000
1993
3
420,000–520,000
2003
3
520,000–650,000
Table 2. [On the 2003 survey of Roma. Data regarding demographic, language use and
nationality.] Beszélő, 10. 2003. 64–76.
The proportional classifi cation of Hungary’s Roma into three language
groups was also based on these sociological surveys. (Kemény 1974; KeményJanky 2003). Due to the misleading data coming from self-classifi cation, it was
rather the opinion of the environment that was taken into consideration as the
basis of the classifi cation for the survey, as many Gypsies claim to be Hungarian despite their confession of their mother tongue and their origins. Based
on this, people were reckoned as Gypsies, whom the non-Roma environment
regarded so: “our experience is that a Gypsy neighbourhood would reckon
even the successfully assimilated as Gypsy. In a population defi ned in this way,
only those totally assimilated – with no trace left to their roots – are omitted,
and, actually, it would not be ethical to regard them as subject to such surveys.”
(Havas-Kemény 1995)
Based on the sociological survey of 1971, Gypsies can be classifi ed into
three groups regarding their language: the Hungarian speaking ‘Romungro’
(who claim to be Hungarian or Musician Gypsies), the Hungarian and Romani
speaking ‘Vlach’ Gypsies, and the ‘Baes who speak Hungarian and an archaic
version of Rumanian (Kemény his fellow researchers 1976).
Although this classifi cation is of great importance from a sociological
point of view, it is linguistically problematical from various points of view.
Namely, we cannot call all Hungarian speaking Gypsies Romungro.
Just like those Beas who lost their language in the process of assimilation but
strongly preserve their Beas identity, similarly to other minorities. In the case
of Gypsies who speak only Hungarian as their mother tongue, language and
background are separated from each other, but admitting their group belong-
3 Roma Population of Hungary 1971–2003. National researches of 1971, 1993, 2003. (Kemény
István – Janky Béla)24
ing is still an important factor of identity, despite the loss of their original native language.
The classifi cation by Kemény does not mention that Hungarian
Romungros are not exclusively monolingual. As a proof of this, there are enclaves, where the Musician Gypsies still speak the Romungro/Hungarian Gypsy variant of Romani, which is classifi ed by the English-language dialectology
as a so-called central dialect of Romani.
To determine the number of Gypsies in Hungary – also taking into
account the representative surveys by Kemény of 1993 and 2003 – it can be
stated that the number of Romungros, who admit their ethnic belonging, has
increased, whereas in the case of Beas and Vlachs this tendency is decreasing
as a result of their integration. The number of Gypsies in Hungary is estimated
at present 570–600,000, but in other’s opinion this can be up to 800,000 to one
million (Kemény, Janky 2003).
1.2. Territorial distribution of Gypsies
The territorial distribution of Gypsies signifi cantly differs from that of
the country’s population. Whereas less than 10% of the members of any Gypsy
group live in the capital, this ratio is 20% for the overall population. What is
more, 58–64% of the Gypsies live in villages, which is measured up only by
38% for the total population (Hablicsek 1999).
Considering the results of the 1971 survey, the number of inhabitants
of Gypsy settlements has decreased largely: in 1971, 65% of Gypsies lived on
separated settlements, which is only 13,7% in the year of 1994. This is due
to different factors. The rise in the standards of living since the middle of
the 1970s, the all-round improvement of Gypsy employment triggered positive changes in the poor housing situation, but the program on the removal of
Gypsy settlements of the 1960s jointly with the related preferential bank loans
also played an important role, despite the negative effects of the very same
administrative measures.
The three Gypsy groups (Beas, Vlach, Romungro) are to be found very
unevenly dispersed over the country. The overwhelming majority of Beas live
in the south-Transdanubian counties; 30% of the total Gypsies live in two
counties of the region, and they form the majority among all Gypsies in the
counties of Somogy and Baranya. Beas speaking Gypsies are hardly to be found
in other regions of the country.25
1.3. Designation of Gypsies
The traditional Hungarian name for this ethnic group is Gypsy. Similarly to Hungarian it is ţigan in Rumanian, cikan in Czech, Zigeuner in German,
tzigane in French, zingaro in Italian and çingene in Turkish. Each of these expressions has its trace in the Greek atsziganosz (athiganos) meaning “outcast”.
Gypsies are called “Gypsy” in English and gitano in Spanish. They derive from the Latin aegyptanus (Egyptian). Gypsies were named in the medieval period populous Pharaonis (“Pharaoh’s people”) in Latin, in later times it
changed to cinganus. (Nagy 2005)
Although Gypsies in Hungary generally accept the designation ‘Gypsy’,
the three main groups distance and distinguish themselves from one another.
As a result of this, a signifi cant number of Hungary’s Gypsies – e.g. Romungros
and Beas – do not call themselves ‘Roma’, despite the wide acceptance of the
term in the public and political sphere. The term itself in Romani refers to
people only, who belong to the particular ethnic sub-group, meaning ‘Roma
man’, or ‘Roma husband’. (The female counterpart of the word is romnji, ‘Roma
woman’, or ‘wife’).
Although opinions differ concerning the terms, many people consider
“Gypsy” to be right, but the more and more widespread usage of the double
“Gypsy/Roma” can offer a solution for everybody.
As numerous sociological researches show, belonging to the Gypsy minority is – everywhere in the world – a peculiar status. Claiming one’s identity
and its dimension are infl uenced by both the narrower and the wider social
environment. If there is a tolerant milieu, which attributes value to difference,
people will assume their identity to a greater extent due to its higher prestige,
while otherwise the tendency will be the opposite.
We have a wide range of information about the present of Gypsies in
the neighbouring countries, or elsewhere in the world, however, there are only
a few authentic sources available about their history. The reason for this is that
their written culture had not emerged until the beginning of the 20th century,
not leaving traces for the posterity, therefore the only documents available are
products of the confl icts between the majority population and the Gypsies,
and we do not have such documents from “times of peace” in Hungary.
The number of Gypsies in Europe is estimated 7–8.5 millions, although
date is not available from every European country (Kemény 2002).26
2. Gypsy languages in Hungary
Gypsy languages belong to the Indo-European languages. The number
of ‘Romani’ speaking people, spoken also by a group of Gypsies in Hungary,
is estimated 5-10 millions in the world, it is, however, still in a minority status.
Despite international endeavours it exists primarily in a non-standard spoken
form, with numerous regional dialects (Kovalcsik – Réger 1999). Among these
dialects Lovar (Vlax Romany) is the most widespread. It is a dialect rooted in
the traditional occupation of the“horse-dealer”.
We have even less information about Beas, an archaic dialect of Rumanian. There are no publications or research from earlier times on the number,
territorial distribution or lifestyle of Beas people, only a few short references
are to be found in writings about the Gypsies. This is due to several factors.
The Hungarian-speaking majority population cannot differentiate between
the groups of the Gypsy, and most frequently they regard the group of Romani
and Beas speaking Gypsies a homogeneous community. It is also supported by
the fact that there are hardly any publications that contain information about
Beas people or their language, and sources which deal with “Gypsies” in general or without any exact linguistic consideration are usually unverifi able and
inaccurate.
We are not familiar with the evolution and the dialectal varieties of Beas
in Hungary and in other countries. What is more, a systematic and descriptive phonology and grammar of Beas is unavailable in these countries. In this
respect, the written culture of Hungary’s Beas is more developed than in any
other neighbouring countries. Due to the proximity of the border, Hungarian Beas have contact with other Beas people living in Kutina, Virovitica or
Čakovec in Croatia, in Timişoara in Rumania, and in the Serbian Tresnjevac.
Our linguistic experience emerging from the contact of these communities
shows that the varieties spoken by these countries’ Beas are similar to that of
the Hungarian’s.
The development of Beas written culture started in the 1990s and is
moving on with rapid strides, whereas in the neighbouring countries this will
be a task for the following decades.27
2.1. Scenes of language use in Hungarian Beas communities
A rapid linguistic assimilation is to be obser ved in the population of
Hungarian Beas. The acceleration of this process was highly infl uenced by minority policy of the Hungarian governments, which, from the 1960s to the recent past, forced an assimilation of the minorities. In spite of this, the process
of switching from the Beas native language to Hungarian as a native language
has not yet concluded – although this is greatly varying in the different communities –, since – as we demonstrated in our research – the language of primary communication is one of the Gypsy languages in a number of families.
According to several linguistic surveys, the loss of the native language
on the benefi t for another language primarily occurs when two groups are
mingled. It occurs if a tribe melts into another group, or if a community in minority status adopts the surrounding majority group’s culture (Gumperz 1971).
This is by far the case with the Beas, since they preserved their ethnic unity
beyond their language shift; therefore they could remain a homogeneous ethnic group all over Middle and Southern Europe (Borbély 2001a).
Probably Beas was, from the beginning, in a diglossic situation because
Hungarian was/is the intermediary language in the coexistence with the majority population (Ferguson 1975).
Diglossia in Ferguson’s interpretation refers to one or more varieties of
a particular language. Considering Beas, it would mean a distinction between
an everyday variety of Beas and a sophisticated, grammatically more complex
standard variety of Rumanian acquired in school education. However, today
there is no relation between the two varieties; this language use is not working,
so we cannot really speak of a classic case of diglossia.
In a broader sense of diglossia bilingualism can be handled as a diglossic
situation. Bilingualism means that members of the community posses two particular language codes, whereas diglossia refers to the radical difference of the
two languages’ role in the language practice of the community: therefore it is
an essential characteristic that the two languages together perform the function
which, in the case of monolingualism, is fulfi lled by either the intimate or the
offi cial varieties of the language (Bartha 1999; Réger 2002, 39).
The whole Beas speaking community uses two different languages in
clearly distinct roles: the use of Beas is connected to the sphere of the family,
and, as yet, it has not come to function in miscellaneous offi cial situations.28
Our research conducted in the circle of Hungarian Beas explicitly shows
that Hungarian is the intermediary language in the coexistence of Beas and the
majority population (Orsós – Varga 2001). Although, as a result of changes in
the recent years, Hungarian has now an advantageous status in the workplace,
it is still not exclusively so, just like the use of Beas/Romani among relatives.
The primary basis for language preservation – the family – has a more
and more slender status, therefore its function in the process of language transmission is in decline. In order to reverse this process, opportunities of language
learning should be established in schools. A consciously planned educational
program, which would offer several possibilities, can play a crucial role in the
preservation of the language and its speakers. If Beas children were taught
their native language in the course of formal education, it would slow down
the process of language exchange. Acquisition of knowledge in schools, then,
would explicitly trigger an increase in the prestige of the Beas language, and it
would result in –most importantly – a replacement of language transmission
back to the families. Having achieved this, schools would only have to concentrate on language teaching, and not on establishing conditions for acquisition
in the fi rst place.
3. Gypsy languages in school education
Gypsies –in principle – have equal rights to have demands on preserving their mother tongue and on minority language education, just like other
minorities in Hungary. In spite of this, it can be ascertained that minority
language education in Gypsy languages lacks in essential conditions, both in
terms of personal and material resources. Hungary’s Gypsies rightfully complain that there are only a few Beas or Romani speaking teachers, that teacher
training does not include Beas and Romani, and there are no textbooks, dictionaries or other teaching materials available. In accordance with European
expectations, states should provide the facilities of teacher training and for the
production appropriate teaching materials
3.1. Language policy and legal frames of language teaching
The Hague recommendations regarding the education rights of national
minorities reads:
“The maintenance of the primary and secondary levels of minority language education
depends a great deal on the availability of teachers trained in all disciplines in the mother
tongue. Therefore, ensuing from their obligation to provide adequate opportunities for minority 29
language education, States should provide adequate facilities for the appropriate training of
teachers and should facilitate access to such training”
The basis of minority education is Article 68 paragraph (2) of the Constitution, which ensures to receive school instruction in the mother tongue.
Consequently, after passing the act on the Rights of National and Ethnic Minorities, Gypsies had an opportunity for the fi rst time –similarly to other national minorities – to have demands on organizing their minority education,
and also to get rid of approaches to their educational problems exclusively from
a point of view of social disadvantages. There is no separate system of minority institutions on the primary level education of Gypsy pupils, and on the
secondary level there are only few institutions (like Gandhi Secondary School
in Pécs) which operate along a Gypsy minority education program. In spite of
this, there are numerous segregated Gypsy classes and groups in today’s public
schools, which is not intended by Gypsy parents demanding minority education, but it is a result of latent selectional or direct segregational processes.
The organization of Gypsy minority education – similarly to other forms
of minority education – has to be initiated by parents and in writing. Without
this, segregated Gypsy classes will result in negative discrimination against
Gypsy pupils. It is important to make mention of the several times modifi ed
No. 32/1997. (XI.5) MKM Decree on the Guidelines for the Pre-School
Instruction and School Education of National and Ethnic Minorities,
which – till the content amendment of 2003 – determined the framework
of education in the form of separate groups.
Unfortunately, this decree had effects on the designation and
content regulation of improvement education of Gypsies. Before that,
several experts and the Ombudsman of Education criticized this designation because it assumes a substantial correlation between the life
of Gypsies and the necessity of an improvement education. No. 13/1999
(III.8) OM Decree of the Ministry of Education re-named this form of education, without any content modifi cation: Gypsy minority education. Therefore,
at schools, alongside the preservation of Gypsy identity – being a Hungarian
ethnic national minority –, a compulsory “revisional education” was continued
at schools in the name of securing nationality rights. This hardly democratic
duality resulted in ongoing debates over Gypsy improvement education.
Many arguments contributed to a change of Act LXXIX. of 1993 on
Public Education in 2003. 30
Signifi cant measures of education policy were taken in favour of improving the general educational situation of Gypsy children in the past few
years.
The several times amended 57/2002. (XI.18.) OM decree of the Ministry of Education regulates the framework of extra normatives, aiming at a
successful talent-care of disadvantaged children in an integrated environment.
As a professional back-up for the introduction of the decree the National Educational Integration Network (hereafter NEIN) was founded in the fi rst half
of 2003, which, in turn, founded forty-fi ve basis institutions in four regions of
the country, where the population of Gypsies is signifi cant. In the course of its
professional operation, the network organized Integration Pedagogical System
(hereafter IPS) trainings for educators of the forty-fi ve basis institutions, and
carried on by introducing IPS in schools. The newly defi ned target group of
this pedagogical service is especially important because it does not link social
disadvantages to ethnic belonging.
The establishment of IPS therefore meant a contextual change in the
principles of nationality education: in the case of Gipsy nationality education
the elements which targeted an improvement education based on social disadvantages, were discarded. As a result, according to the 58/2002 OM decree
of the Ministry of Education schools can demand on extra normative supply
for teaching Gipsy culture or any of the Gypsy languages. Teaching Romani
or Beas has been possible since 2003, provided by the 2002/147 amendment
of the 32/197 MKM Decree, published in Magyar Közlöny. According to the
amendments, the number of weekly lessons was decreased to two, therefore it
made the fusing of classes (block seminars) possible, and so language teaching
can be organized in the framework of language camps or other programs with
guest teachers.
This measure, even though very important with regard to educational
pol icy, from point of view of language pol icy cannot be considered effective,
as it does not provide the conditions of language teaching. In case of Gypsy
language, there is a permissive clause in the modifi ed decree that does not
elevate the prestige of Gypsy languages in comparison with other minority
languages.
In accordance with the Public Education Act, the conditions for employment in teachers’ position are different in case of minority language teachers than in case of other foreign language teachers. According to the law:31
“In all types of schools, only applicants with a degree in teaching languages or teaching foreign language and literature can be employed. In case of national or ethnic minority
languages, until 1st September 2006, applicants with a degree in teaching and at least an
intermediate C level language examination certifi cate or an equivalent certifi cate can be employed in teacher’s position. In case of Bulgarian, Gypsy (Romani, or Beas), Greek, Polish,
Armenian, Ruthven and Ukrainian languages, persons holding an advanced C level state
language exam certifi cate or any equivalent document can be employed, without commencing
higher education studies, for an unlimited period of time.”
The application of these criteria is also signifi cant from a language policy point of view because it makes the introduction of a minority language into
public education possible. However, it is rather a preconditioned failure in professionalism, i.e. for a speaker of the language to work as a “qualifi ed” teacher
without having the particular qualifi cation.
To provide conditions for the training of language teachers is a more
and more pressing issue, because schools demanding for Gypsy nationality
normative – lacking in qualifi ed language teachers – try to maintain the teaching of Gypsy languages in various ways, which, though, cannot be warranted
in the long run.
Yet, it is not only the lack of qualifi ed language teachers that hinder a
broad and high-level teaching of Gypsy languages, or of native language teaching. Except for some schools, no technical conditions are at ser vice: namely,
there is a lack of textbooks and auxiliary teaching materials that are indispensable for setting up such programs.
The fi rst school to teach Gypsy languages was the Gandhi Secondary
School, established in 1994. Until then teaching Beas or Romani was to be
found neither in primary nor in secondary schools, moreover, the differentiation between the two languages caused these schools basic diffi culties. Unfortunately, this problem remains for the most part, and sometimes they are
considered the other’s dialect, while Beas belongs to the Latin, Romani to the
Indi cluster of the Indo-European languages.
3.2. The situation of teaching and surveying Beas in the Hungarian higher education (Case study exemplifi ed by the work of the department in Pécs)
In the year of 2000 at the Department for Gypsy Studies, University
of Pécs a training of students of humanities was introduced, which – paired
with other social or teaching majors in a period of ten semesters – provides a
comprehensive knowledge in the fi eld of Romology. A criterion for the train-32
ing is the acquaintance with a Gypsy language. The Beas and Romani language
classes offer an access to materials written or spoken in Gypsy languages. These
courses are concluded with a university language fi lter test, which is often substituted by taking a combined elementary state accredited language exam.
First, students get acquainted with major directions in the linguistic research on Gypsies, with the social and cultural situation of the Gypsies in
Hungary and Europe. Other subjects of the social sciences are integrated in
the training: ethnography, law, demography, sociology, socio-geography, psycholinguistics and sociolinguistics.
In the sociolinguistic courses students are offered an opportunity to
be acquainted with the practical aspects of the situation of Gypsy languages,
such as education programs in schools teaching Gypsy languages. Furthermore, they have the chance to survey the prestige of the Gypsy languages in
the three most important target populations: among Gypsy pupils and their
parents, and among educators.
Besides acquiring basic research methodology, students conduct microresearches, with the help of which they can examine various sociolinguistic
hypotheses or can try and fi nd solutions for particular problems.
In the course of planning a sociolinguistic fi eldwork and data collection,
students get a true picture of the status of Gypsy languages, of the language
use of different Gypsy individuals and communities, and of the time and quality of their language acquisition. These micro-researches promote language
planning, and we experienced in several cases that putting Gypsy languages
in focus position triggered an upgrade in the value of Gypsy languages among
native speakers of the language. It is especially important and promising that
there is an increasing interest in the re-acquisition of the language among Gypsy intellectuals, in spite of their former intention to assimilate and melt into the
majority population.
Furthermore, in these fi eldwork activities, a number of factors come to
the surface that (may have contributed to those social and language exchanges
resulting in language shift, which happen to occur in the life of a community.
Such factors are: the population of a given language group, geographical
position compared to other groups, educational and occupation background
of the speakers, the rate of group-intern or group-extern marriages, the social
and/or cultural similarity between the contact groups, the language policy of 33
the governments, the degree of support for the minority, the system of education, the attitudes of the majority and minority, etc. (Bartha, 1993).
In the course of fi eldwork students will have the chance to examine the
process of language transmission, and the proximity of reversing an already
ongoing language shift of a community – via conscious language planning.
To analyse this we use Fishman’s eight stage scale, which states that the
higher stage a community on this scale is, the lower the chances are for reversing the process of language shift.
8. stage
The social isolation of the remaining speakers of the minority language.
Need to record language for a possible later reconstruction
7. stage
Minority language is only used by the elderly, and who are beyond childbearing
age. The spread of the language among the youth is necessary.
6. stage
The minority language is transmitted from generation to generation, the
language is used in the community. Need for support of language transmission.
5. stage
Language literacy at home, school and inside the community.
Need to support literacy, especially as it lacks state support.
4. stage
Minority language exists in lower education.
Need to support the minority fi nancially.
3. stage
Minority language appears in the workplace including those where native
speakers interact with the majority.
2 . stage
Lower governmental services and mass media are available in the minority
language.
1. stage
Appearance of the minority language in higher-level education, occupational,
governmental and media efforts.
3. Table. Graded intergenerational disruption scale of generations (after Fishman 1991)
3.2.1. Selections from sociolinguistic papers
Here follows a selection of sociolinguistic research papers conducted
and written by students of the University of Pécs, which deal with the situation
Gypsy speakers of the region – mainly Beas – their attitudes to their language,
and with the opinion of public education teachers considering Gypsy languages. Although the survey sample is not representative in any cases – it was not
our goal –, the writings are remarkably informative regarding the status and
prestige of Gypsy languages.
Excerpts from two papers, which – among others – are concerned with
the speakers’ linguistic situation, and motivation in language learning:
In connection with the future of Gypsy/Roma languages 93.75 percent of the survey
subjects is optimistic, and assumes that more and more books and newspapers will appear on
the scene in Romani or Beas, and an increasing number of language schools will provide the 34
teaching of these languages. Only one pessimistic participant can imagine that a total language
loss will happen. One tenth of the opinions relates to a more “reasonable” future: they would
simply regard Beas as an equally valuable language.
The fi ndings of the survey indicate that teaching Beas in the examined settlements occupies a place in life – its justifi cation is unquestionable. (Plazzeriano, 2004)
Opinions differ signifi cantly in how the knowledge of the Gypsy language infl uences
life. 41 percent of the women questioned claimed that knowing your mother tongue has a
defi nitely positive effect on your life. 29 percent of them thinks there is no signifi cance whether
you know it or not, and 23 percent of the answers indicates that you get into a disadvantaged
situation if you speak Beas. One person could not take a stand on this issue. In the majority
of the cases, people also supported their ideas, and the support they gave were very diverse. The
most important aspect in the question of the necessity of Beas is that it has an important place
in the family and community life.
Those having a negative stand claim that if they only speak Beas they will not be employed and will be looked down on, if they speak only Beas among others. (Farkas 2004)
The following two excerpts refl ect the attitude of teachers toward Gypsy languages and its place in the curriculum:
Regarding teaching Gypsy languages we got various positive answers. More participants approve the teaching of Gypsy languages due to the sense of achievement it provides,
some reasoned for the necessity of promoting native languages, while others argued for it based
on a high number of Gypsy pupils. One of them said: if children like learning it, why should
they not. In contrast to the expected, not every teacher would like to learn Gypsy. In a school
where almost 100 percent of the pupils are of Gypsy origin, only one! teacher (from the younger
age group) claimed an attraction to Gypsy languages, moreover, he/she was planning to start
learning it. It is especially interesting that one of those disfavouring to learn the language was
a 25 year old teacher in the beginning of his career. (Bundity 2004)
In the course of examining the prestige of the Gypsy languages in a suburban school,
where the presence of Gypsy pupils is signifi cant, over 30 percent, teachers gave following answers to my inquiry, whether they approve the teaching of Gypsy languages: one-third of the
teachers questioned approves it, two- third of them disapproves to teach it. (Jakab 2004) 35
4. Summary
In the issue of Hungarian Gypsy languages, the most pressing and upto-day task is to prepare the soil for teacher training.
Recently, the Ministry of Education has not shown any activity either
in legitimating language requirements, or in the preparation of educational
syllabus. The decree allowing for the teaching of Gypsy languages makes the
teachers rather vulnerable, so professional help is essential for them in their
daily routine.
One of the possibilities would be the teaching of methodology at the
University of Pécs, which tries to make teachers (not of foreign languages)
acquainted with the basic methodological requirements. However, this is only
helpful for students of Romology until setting up conditions for language
teacher training. Until then there are many tasks to do.
4.1. Language planning and language policy objectives to be
Since it is the state’s responsibility to establish the conditions for language teacher training, it is important that the state shall act as a coordinator
between the parties interested in the establishment of language teacher training or it should delegate its responsibility to an institution that would carry
out this task. Native activists are not able to do this; although they speak the
language, their qualifi cation does not make it possible to act as teachers.
Therefore it is necessary that language teaching universities and the
Research Institute of Linguistics of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences cooperate.
Universities can give the fi eldwork for necessary research to be done
the students body, while the Research Institute of Linguistics may support the
work by providing the professional background.
It is crucial that universities use, test and justify the results obtained so
far – therefore cooperation between universities and HAS-Research Institute
of Linguistics is indispensable.
Surveys and research of scholarly character on the linguistic status of
Beas Gypsy communities lack institutional and fi nancial background, and
without these, language planning is not possible.
The interest toward minority languages is on the increase, yet, we are
short of the necessary conditions to satisfy the needs of those interested (there 36
are no language courses, further education for language teachers, textbooks,
multimedia devices, etc.)
In lack of scientifi c language planning and standardization – exactly due
to the increasing interest in society – there is a great danger of the spread of
work void of scientifi c basics. The lack of the linguistic criterion system of
Romani/Beas (initiated and prepared by the ministry of Education) further
increases this danger.
Supplementary linguistic activities would contribute to establishing
teacher-training programs of university departments, for which we do not
have either the suffi cient personal or technical conditions.
4.2. Development proposals
The description of different levels of language:
• phonetic research
• morphological information
• descriptive grammar
• semantics of Gypsy languages
• basic research in language history
• anthropological research
• research on language vernacular.
Innovative developments to accomplish:
• lexicographical work
• computerized corpus-linguistics
• training of new linguists
• setting up a linguistics and information centre
To emancipate state acknowledged Gypsy languages – equal to other
languages acknowledged by the Law on minority right –, to operate basic and
master trainings and to support identity preservation, we defi nitely need to
support the teaching of Gypsy languages, to organize Lovar and Beas language courses. For this, status and corpus planning is required; a production of
teaching materials and records via language centres at university departments
are indispensable, which could give a framework for a scientifi c and professional background.
Translated by Róbert Szekeres37
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Pálmainé Orsós Anna:
A magyarországi beás nyelv oktatási és nyelvtervezési kérdései
A tanulmány a magyarországi cigány kisebbség nyelveinek - a romani és
a beás – helyzetével foglalkozik. Ezen belül elsősorban a beás nyelvvel kapcsolatos oktatási, nyelvpolitikai és nyelvi tervezési problémákat és feladatokat
vizsgálja a szerző.
Az írás ismerteti a magyarországi cigány nyelvekkel kapcsolatos, azok
általános sajátosságait bemutató nyelvészeti és a nyelvhasználatot vizsgáló szociolingvisztikai jellegű kutatásokat, s a cigány nyelvek sajátos iskolai helyzetét
hazánkban.
Sajnálatos módon a két hazai cigány nyelv – az Európa Tanács által is
szorgalmazott – emancipálásához szükséges oktatás- és nyelvpolitikai jellegű
tervezés napjainkban még nem kezdődött el, miközben a nyelvi közösségek
mindegyikében tetten érhető a nyelvcsere folyamata. A tanulmány javaslatot
tesz a megvalósítandó fejlesztési feladatokra is.
Beas language teaching and language planning in Hungary
This study is about the situation of the two gypsy minority languages
– Romani and Beas languages – in Hungary. The author will mainly focus on
one of these languages – the Beas language – its teaching, language politics
and the occurring problems that could turn up whilst language planning.
The study also mentions the languages’ written characteristics and introduces a research regarding its linguistics and its language use – sociolinguistics. We will also get a brief insight to the current situation of this language in
our education in Hungary.
Unfortunately the two gypsy languages – which are also accepted by the
European Union-are still not treated as they should be. For these languages to
be dealt equally and taught in schools and institutes, we need several arrangements concerning its language – and education politics whilst there is an obvious tendency a certain language change/shift in both languages. This study
will try to propose in some attempts in changes and developments. 42
Die Fragen von Unterricht und Planung der Beas Sprache in Ungarn
In dieser Studie geht es um Sprache von zwei in Ungarn lebende zigeunerische Minorität, Romani und Beas. Im Zentralpunkt des Textes sind die
Problemen und Aufgaben der Unterricht, der Sprachpolitik und der Sprachplanung von der Beas Sprache.
Die Studie fasst verschiedene sprachwissentschaftliche und soziolinguistische Forschungen zusammen, die über die zigeunerische Sprache in Ungarn
untersuchten, und tematisiert die eigene Umstände die zigeunerische Sprachen
in der Unterricht.
Bedauerlicherweise ist die untericht- und sprachpolitische Planung zu
− durch auch die Europäischen Union akceptierte − Emanzipierung die zwei
zigeunerische Sprache bis Heute noch nicht angefangen, obwohl man kann der
Prozess der Sprachwechsel in der Sprachgemeischaften beobachten. Die Studie
stellt einen Antrag auch für die absolvierende Entwicklungsaufgaben.43
Lakatos Szilvia – Gypsy languages
in Baranya County
4
Introduction
Baranya County is one of the areas of the South Trans-Danubian region
which hosts the greatest number of national minority groups, thus it was necessary to carry out the research concerning the identity and language use of the
minority groups described in this paper. Here I must emphasise the fact that
the Gypsy/Roma communities of the examined area preserved their traditions
and identity to a great extent, and it can be measured by the crucial gauge of
language use, language protection and transmission within the communities.
During this research 90 members of the Gypsy/Roma minority fi lled in
an individual questionnaire in 17 townships: Abaliget, Adorjás, Alsószentmárton, Gilvánfa, Hidas, Hirics, Komló, Kóros, Kölked, Mágocs, Pécs, Pécsvárad,
Sásd, Sellye, Siklós, Siklósnagyfalu, and Szigetvár.
Unfortunately, the drafters of the questionnaire missed to make a distinction between the two Gypsy languages – the Beas and the Romany –,
thus, the linguistic distribution of the informants can not be found out unambiguously from the data. This defi ciency of the questionnaire could have been
avoided easily for sure, if the drafters (sociologists and minority experts) had
had recourse to e.g. the teachers of the Department of Romology of the Faculty of Arts and Humanities at the University of Pécs. Nevertheless, this failure
of the drafters just supports my opinion that it is not clear even for the experts
on Gypsy/Roma communities that there are two Gypsy languages offi cially in
Hungary: Beas and Romany.
It can be generally stated that the majority of the completed nationwide
5
and regional sociological surveys did not take into account the fact that beside
the non-Hungarian Roma groups speak different native languages in Hungary. While the nationwide research does not make a distinction between these
Roma native languages at all, the experts of our regional research note in their
summarizing study that they met mostly with Beas informants in the course of
interviews in Hidas, Sellye and Szigetvár.
4 This paper is based on the results of the questionnaires by Mária Zayzon Demeter, which
were collected in tables and assessed by Tamás Híves.
5 Kertesi – Kézdi 1998.44
Since the 1980s the censuses have included a question concerning languages spoken besides those concerning nationality and the informants’ native language. As “Gypsy language”
6
can be found among the answers for the
questions concerning native and spoken languages, it is possible to examine
and analyse the Gypsy/Roma communities assimilated linguistically to a lesser
extent. The exact number of Gypsy/Roma citizens and Gypsy native-speakers
does not emerge from the collected and public data, but one can observe correlations between the Gypsy/Roma nationality and the Gypsy native language
on the basis of the data of the1980 and of the 1990 censuses. The following
categories represent the distribution of the minority group well: Gypsy/Roma
nationality and Gypsy native-speaker; Gypsy/Roma nationality but nativespeaker of another language; other nationality and Gypsy native-speaker; other
nationality and native speaker of another language. The headcount of the different groups and the groups’ distribution within the Gypsy/Roma minority is
shown in Figure 1.
Groups of the Gypsy/Roma
population census
1980 1990
Quantit y % Quantit y %
Gypsy/Roma nationality, Gypsy
native-speaker
3,299 6.8 43,393 26.4
Gypsy/Roma nat ional it y, Nat ivespeakers of another language
3,105 6.4 99,290 60.4
Other nationality, Gypsy nativespeaker
24,616 50.6 4,679 2.8
Other nationality, Other nativespeaker, but speaker of a Gypsy
language
17,613 36.2 17,044 10.4
Together 48,633 100.0 164,406 100.0
Figure 1 The number of persons avowing themselves Gypsy/Roma or
Gypsy native-speakers and the speakers of Gypsy language in the census of
1980 and of 1990. (Source: Kertesi – Kézdi 1998)
The signifi cant scatter of data may have beeb caused by the uncertainty
of the informants and the questioners, the ambiguity of the categories’ meaning, the political situation of the ‘80s and the prejudice and discrimination
against the Gypsy/Roma minority in those years. According to my assumptions the informants in the third category are persons living in intermarriages
and the informants belonging to the fourth category are those who did not
confess to their Gypsy/Roma identity in those years.
6 As the object and the volume of this paper does not allow for dwelling on defi nitions, I must
note here that by Gypsy languages I mean Romany, Beas and their different dialects.45
1. Gypsy language or Gypsy languages?
There is a constantly renewing debate among the Gypsy/Roma intellectuals even in our days whether Gypsy can include any languages and their
dialects spoken as native language by Gypsy/Roma individuals other than the
Romany language and its dialects. This problematic question is polarized by
non-Gypsy researchers and linguists to a lesser extent than by some representatives of the different Gypsy/Roma intellectual groups.
1.1. The linguistic distribution of the Gypsy/Roma communities
1.) Most of the Romungros identify Hungarian as their native language,
but members of some groups still speak the Carpathian dialect of the Romany language (the Carpathian dialect can be found as language islands in two
traditional communities in Csobánka, Pest County and in Versend, Baranya
County).
2.) The Beas speak the archaic dialects (Ticsan, Muncsan, and Argyelan) of the Romanian language spoken before the language reform in the 19
th
century’s.
7
Muncsan and Argyelan are living dialects in the villages of Baranya
County inhabited by Beas Gypsies. Ticsan is a living dialect in some villages
of the Tiszántúl region. In the summary of her research Andrea Szalai draws
attention to the generalising character and unstructured meaning range of the
picture of the Bea sized up by the non-Gypsy environment and to the differentiated character of the self-refl ective category system made up in the Bea
native-language (Beas Gypsies, non-Beas Gypsies, non-Gypsies).
8
3.) The majority of the Wallachian Roma, even those who use another
dialect in the family, speak the Lovari dialect of the Romany language. It is
benefi cial to know the Lovari dialect for individuals having international trade
or cultural relations, because this dialect is widely known and recognized as the
lingua franca of several different groups.
A closed community consisting of several large families of Wallachian
Roma live in Pécs. It is important to note that members of the community do
not use this name, but it is mainly used as a collective name by the non-Gypsy
environment. They defi ne themselves as Kolompár Roma or, in some groups,
they call themselves Kelderás Roma due to the heterogeneity developed by the
intermarriages. Both defi nitions are used for self-identifi cation as well as for
group-identifi cation.
7 Szalai 1997, 7–9.
8 Szalay 1997, 391. 46
We can fi nd several dialects of the Romany language in Baranya County, but since there have not been a complete sociolinguistic research in this
county, I have to rely on my empirical experiences about the dialects used in
the region.
In my opinion, the Lovari dialect is becoming more and more dominant
in Hungary. This assumption is supported by the fact that the Lovari dialect
has been included in the accredited state exam system organised by the Centre
for Advanced Language Learning since the middle of the ‘90s and that we can
see the Lovari dialect in most cases of the language exams organised by the
Foreign Language Offi ce of the Faculty of Arts and Humanities at the University of Pécs. The students at the Department of Romology and in the Gandhi
secondary school acquire the Lovari dialect in the course of their studies due
to the simple fact that their teachers usually speak this dialect as a native language.
1.2. Closed communities with Gypsy native language in Baranya County
Sociological and demographical correlations can be observed between
the language spoken by the different Gypsy/Roma communities and the types
of the township inhabited by them. The small villages typical in Baranya
County provided a favourable environment for the Gypsy/Roma communities
to protect and preserve their native language.
On the basis of the data of the counties assessed by Gábor Kertesi and
Gábor Kézdi we can name the townships inhabited by closed communities
speaking Gypsy native as their native language by comparing the data of the
census in 1990 with the township data of the Gypsy/Roma students’ number in
the different grades collected by the Ministry of Education and Culture in the
school year of 1992/93. The command of language is 100% in the communities of these (exclusively) rural townships. According to the data of sociological
comparison coming from many sources, these townships of Baranya County
were the following at the end of the 20
th
century:
Csebény, Hor váthertelend, Ibafa, Tengeri, Zók, Nagykozár, Töttös,
Kistamási, Markóc, Dunafalva, Egyházasharaszti, Felsőszentmárton, Geresdlak, Drávaszerdahely, Márfa, Székelyszabar, Tésenfa, Szörény, Alsómocsolád,
Nagytótfalu, Botykapeterd, Olasz, Varga, Somberek, Somogyviszló, Szabadszentkirály, Babarcszőlős, Csarnóta, Kökény, Szilvás, Szebény, Vejti.
9
9 Kertesi – Kézdi 1998, 324–333.47
On the basis of the township research we can appoint that the above
mentioned townships are not inhabited by Gypsy/Roma exclusively, but the
whole population (just 10–15 persons in some cases) of each township speaks
the Gypsy language (used by the sociologists as a collective noun) as their
native language. Nowadays, Beas is spoken as native language by many residents of Alsószentmárton and Gilvánfa beside these villages. It is important to
emphasise that the rate of the Gypsy/Roma residents of these villages is over
90%. The Roma residents of Berkesd and Pettend speak the Lovari dialect as
their native language.
1.3. The general status of the Gypsy/Roma minority according to the local government
Almost all townships of Baranya County have Gypsy/Roma residents.
Their proportion ranges from 1–90%.
There was 110 Roma Minority Self-Governments established in 2004,
and 102 of them are still working today. The members of the Gypsy Minority Self-Governments possess right of consultation at the meetings of Local
Governments. The relation between the Local Government and the Gypsy
Minority Self-Government is different in each township.
In townships lacking Gypsy Minority Self-Government like Mágocs,
Baksa and Palotabozsók the Gypsy/Roma are represented by Gypsy/Roma
spokespeople. Hereinafter I present the results of the assessed questionnaire
sent to the 300 Local Governments of Baranya County and answered by 202
of them. The questionnaires support our assumption that a signifi cant part of
the Gypsy/Roma population is in the employment of public utility, or unemployed, or goes out charring by the necessity of supplying the family.
In spite of the documents protecting minority languages and allowing
for their use in the public offi ces, the offi cial language of the Gypsy Minority
Self-Governments is Hungarian. This phenomenon can be explained by the
late standardisation of Gypsy languages, the defi ciencies of offi cial language
and terminology and the unpreparedness of public offi ces.
The Gypsy M inority Self-Governments play an active part in the development of the protection of the Gypsy/Roma communities’ traditions on
a county level. They organise for example the Roma Day annually in several
townships of the county (in Berkesd, Pécs, Abaliget, Siklósnagyfalu, Diósviszló, Hidas, Nagydobsza, Kistamási, Lúzsok, Hetvehely, Siklós, Keszű, Versend,
Sásd, etc.).48
In Baranya County there operate more Gypsy/Roma non-governmental
organisations than in other regions of Hungary. These organisations work in
Komló, Siklósnagyfalu, Vajszló, Pécs, Keszű, Berkesd, and Diósviszló.
1.4. The general status of the Gypsy/Roma minority according to the individual
questionnaires
The questionnaire was fi lled in by 90 Gypsy/Roma individuals, 25.9%
of the total number of possible informants. The number of the male and female informants is almost the same (44 female and 43 male), and three people
did not answer the question concerning gender (probably due to ignorance).
From the point of view of age distribution, the number of young, 20–
29 year-old individuals is signifi cantly high (31 people, 34.0%), which is followed by the number of 40–49 year-olds (17 people, 18.9%). The number of
the 30–39 year-old individuals is almost the same (16 people, 17.8%) and then a
decreasing tendency sets in with the number of the 50–59 year-old (14 people,
15.6%) and the 60–69 year-old (8 people, 8.9%). Three 69 year-old individuals (3.3%) fi lled in the questionnaire, which is an interesting fact because the
average age of the Gypsy/Roma population is less by 10 years than the average
age of the total population. One person did not answer this question due to
unidentifi ed reasons.
Two individuals did not answer the question concerning school degree,
12 people have less than 8 grades, 38 people fi nished primary school only,
21 of them fi nished vocational apprentice school, 14 people graduated from
secondary school, and there were even 3 people having received a degree in
higher education.
As for the size of the family: 23 individuals do not have children, or at
least they do not mention it, which number equals to the number of the families
having 2 children (23 people). The number of informants raising 3 children is
19. Having only a single child is not typical of the Gypsy/Roma families, even
so 14 people gave that answer to the question. This can be explained by the age
distribution of the informants. Finally, 11 people have 4 or more children. 49
2. The language status of the Gypsy/Roma minority
2.1. Linguistic competence
54 people of the 90 (60.0%) speak a Gypsy language and 36 of them do
not speak a Gypsy language, or did not answer the question.
Yes No / No answer Total
Nationality Gender Nr. % Nr. % Nr. %
Gypsy/Roma
Male 29 67.4% 14 32.6% 43 100.0%
Female 24 54.5% 20 45.5% 44 100.0%
No answer 1 33.3% 2 66.7% 3 100.0%
Together 54 60.0% 36 40.0% 90 100.0%
Figure 2
Two individuals, a male (age 50–59, fi nished 8 grades only) and a female
(age 60–69, graduated in secondary school) speak another minority language
as well. Three people did not answer the question and 85 informants do not
speak the language of any other national minority.
Yes No / No answer Total
Nationality Gender Nr. % Nr. % Nr. %
Gypsy/Roma
Male 1 2.3% 42 97.7% 43 100.0%
Female 1 2.3% 43 97.7% 44 100.0%
No answer 0.0% 3 100.0% 3 100.0%
Together 2 2.2% 88 97.8% 90 100.0%
Figure 3
Ten informants speak other non-minority languages beside Hungarian.
8 of them are 20–29 years old, 1 of them is 30–39 years old, and the last one
is from the 40–49 year-old age group. 1 of them fi nished 8 grades the most, 3
people fi nished vocational apprentice school, 4 people graduated from secondary school and 2 of them have degrees in higher education. These people know
other non-minority languages, too, but they do not speak them at home.
Yes No / No answer Total
Nat ional it y Gender Nr. % Nr. % Nr. %
Gypsy/Roma
Male 4 9.3% 39 90.7% 43 100.0%
Female 6 13.6% 38 86.4% 44 100.0%
No answer 0.0% 3 100.0% 3 100.0%
Together 10 11.1% 80 88.9% 90 100.0%
Figure 450
Among the informants 7 people speak German besides Hungarian. 4
of them are between 20–29 years old, 2 of them are 30–39 years old, and 1 of
them belongs to the 40–49 year-old age group. 2 of them fi nished 8 grades the
most, 4 of them fi nished vocational apprentice school and 1 of them graduated
from secondary school.
2.2. Language use within the family
Among the 44 female informants, 24 speak a Gypsy language beside
Hungarian within the family. Out of the 43 male informants, 29 gave the same
answer. In contrast with our assumptions more men than women use a Gypsy
language within the family, at least in the communities examined in our research.
Yes No / No answer Total
Nationality Gender Nr. % Nr. % Nr. %
Gypsy/Roma
Male 29 67,4% 14 32.6% 43 100.0%
Female 24 54.5% 20 45.5% 44 100.0%
No answer 1 33.3% 2 66.7% 3 100.0%
Together 54 60.0% 36 40.0% 90 100.0%
Figure 5
Among the 54 people speaking a Gypsy language, 25 fi nished 8 grades
the most. 11 people speak a Gypsy language among the 12 having fi nished
less than 8 grades. According to the answers of the people having fi nished
vocational apprentice school and secondary school, we can draw the conclusion that the higher educational degree they have, the less they speak a Gypsy
language. The 3 people with university degrees make an exception, however,
we have to note that it is obligatory to have a language exam for graduating in
higher education, thus the 3 informants have probably passed an exam in their
native languages.51
Yes
No / No
answer
Tot al
Nat ional it y Degree Nr. % Nr. % Nr. %
Gypsy/Roma
Less than 8
grades
11 91.7% 1 8.3% 12 100.0%
Max. 8 grades 25 65.8% 13 34.2% 38 100.0%
Vocational
apprentice
school
9 42 .9% 12 57.1% 21 100.0%
Secondary
school
6 42 .9% 8 57.1% 14 100.0%
Higher
education
3 100.0% 0.0% 3 100.0%
No answer 0.0% 2 100.0% 2 100.0%
Together 54 60.0% 36 40.0% 90 100.0%
Figure 6
13 people (41.9%) among the 31 informants between the ages 20–29 and
12 people (85.7%) in the 50–59 year-old age group use a Gypsy language within the family. 11 people (68.8%) of 30–39 of age, 10 people (58.8%) between 40
and 49, 6 people between 60 and 69, and 2 over 69 use a Gypsy language within
the family. 1 person did not answer the question.
Yes No / No answer Total
Nationality Age Nr. % Nr. % Nr. %
Gypsy / Roma
20–29 13 41.9% 18 58.1% 31 100.0%
30–39 11 68.8% 5 31.3% 16 100.0%
40–49 10 58.8% 7 41.2% 17 100.0%
50–59 12 85.7% 2 14.3% 14 100.0%
60–69 6 75.0% 2 25.0% 8 100.0%
69< 2 66.7% 1 33.3% 3 100.0%
No answer 0.0% 1 100.0% 1 100.0%
Together 54 60.0% 36 40.0% 90 100.0%
Figure 7
2.3. Linguistic socialisation of children
Just like every other minority, the Gypsy lay store by the transmission of
their native language to the children, and, thus, it supports the recognition of
the Gypsy language as foreign language in education. At the same time, only
the children of 6 people (2 male and 4 female) among the informants have the
possibility to study one of the Gypsy languages as a foreign language in school. 52
Surprisingly, 70 people did not answer this question, and 14 people answered
that their children do not study any of the Gypsy languages as a foreign language in school.
Yes No No answer Total
Nat ional it y Age Nr. % Nr. % Nr. % Nr. %
Gypsy/
Roma
20–29 0.0% 3 9.7% 28 90.3% 31 100.0%
30 –39 1 6,3% 4 25.0% 11 68.8% 16 100.0%
40–49 2 11,8% 3 17.6% 12 70.6% 17 100.0%
50–59 1 7,1% 4 28.6% 9 64.3% 14 100.0%
60 – 69 0.0% 0.0% 8 100.0% 8 100.0%
69< 2 66.7% 0.0% 1 33.3% 3 100.0%
No
answer
0.0% 0.0% 1 100.0% 1 100.0%
Together 6 6.7% 14 15.6% 70 77.8% 90 100.0%
Figure 8
Among the 6 parents whose children have the possibility to study one of
the Gypsy languages as a foreign language, 2 people have less than 8 grades, 3
people have 8 grades at the most, and 1 person fi nished vocational apprentice
school. Contrary to all expectations, the person having a degree in higher education did not answer the question.
Yes No No answer Total
Nationality
Degree Nr. % Nr. % Nr. % Nr. %
Gypsy/
Roma
Less than
8 grades
2 16.7% 1 8.3% 9 75.0% 12 100.0%
Max. 8
grades
3 7.9% 10 26.3% 25 65.8% 38 100.0%
Vocational
apprentice
school
1 4.8% 3 14.3% 17 81.0% 21 100.0%
Secondary
school
0.0% 0.0% 14 100.0% 14 100.0%
Higher
education
0.0% 0.0% 3 100.0% 3 100.0%
No answer 0.0% 0.0% 2 100.0% 2 100.0%
Together 6 6.7% 14 15.6% 70 77.8% 90 100.0%
Figure 9
10.0% of the informants (6 male and 3 female) answered that their children study the very Gypsy language used in the family in school. Signifi cantly
many informants (77.8%) did not answer this question and 11 people (12.2%)
gave negative answers.53
Considering age, we can observe that language use within the family is
more important for the younger (20–29, 30–39, 40–49 year-old) age groups,
while 28.8% of the 50–59 year-old informants did not use any of the Gypsy
languages within the family.
Yes No No answer Total
Nationality
Age Nr. % Nr. % Nr. % Nr. %
Gypsy/
Roma
20 –29 3 9.7% 1 3.2% 27 87.1% 31 100.0%
30 –39 2 12 .5% 2 12 .5% 12 75.0% 16 100.0%
40 – 49 2 11.8% 2 11.8% 13 76.5% 17 100.0%
50–59 1 7.1% 4 28.6% 9 64.3% 14 100.0%
60–69 1 12.5% 0.0% 7 87.5% 8 100.0%
69< 0.0% 2 66.7% 1 33.3% 3 100.0%
No
answer
0.0% 0.0% 1 100.0% 1 100.0%
Together 9 10.0% 11 12.2% 70 77.8% 90 100.0%
Figure 10
Two people with less than 8 grades gave a positive answer, and two people of same qualifi cations gave a negative answer to this question. 21.1% of the
informants having 8 grades the most gave negative answer, and only 10.5% of
them answered that their children use the language within the family.
Yes No No answer Total
Nationality
Degree Nr. % Nr. % Nr. % Nr. %
Gypsy/
Roma
Less than 8
grades
2 16.7% 2 16.7% 8 66.7% 12 100.0%
Max. 8
grades
4 10.5% 8 21.1% 26 68.4% 38 100.0%
Vocational
apprentice
school
2 9.5% 1 4.8% 18 85.7% 21 100.0%
Secondary
school
0.0% 0.0% 14 100.0% 14 100.0%
Higher
education
0.0% 0.0% 3 100.0% 3 100.0%
No answer 1 50.0% 0.0% 1 50.0% 2 100.0%
Together 9 10.0% 11 12.2% 70 77.8% 90 100.0%
Figure 11
There was only one positive answer in the Gypsy/Roma minority for the
question concerning the school’s international relations with foreign schools 54
(in the mother country, for example). This question is irrelevant with respect
to the Gypsy/Roma minority.
Almost half of the informants (42.2%), 38 people (16 male and 22 female) know of an example of learning a Gypsy language again in adulthood.
Among the informants between the ages 20–29 the number of positive
and negative answers was equal. 9 people (56.3%) among the 30–39 year-old
know of such an example, while 12 individuals (70.6%) among the 40–49 yearold gave negative answers, while only 5 people (29.4%) answered the question
affi rmatively.
Yes No No answer Total
Nationality
Age Nr. % Nr. % Nr. % Nr. %
Gypsy/
Roma
20–29 15 48.4% 15 48.4% 1 3.2% 31 100.0%
30–39 9 56.3% 6 37.5% 1 6.3% 16 100.0%
40–49 5 29.4% 12 70.6% 0.0% 17 100.0%
50–59 5 35.7% 9 64.3% 0.0% 14 100.0%
60–69 2 25.0% 5 62.5% 1 12,5% 8 100.0%
69< 2 66.7% 1 33.3% 0.0% 3 100.0%
No
answer
0.0% 0.0% 1 100.0% 1 100.0%
Together 38 42.2% 48 53.3% 4 4.4% 90 100.0%
Figure 12
With respect to the degrees of the informants, having 8 grades the most
12 people (31.6%) gave positive and 25 people (65.8%) negative answers to
the question, and among the informants having fi nished vocational apprentice
school 10 people (47.6%) know, while 11 people (52.4%) do not know of such
an example.55
Yes No No answer Total
Nationality
Degree Nr. % Nr. % Nr. % Nr. %
Gypsy/
Roma
Less than 8
grades
5 41.7% 7 58.3% 0.0% 12 100.0%
Max. 8
grades
12 31.6% 25 65.8% 1 2.6% 38 100.0%
Vocational
apprentice
school
10 47.6% 11 52.4% 0.0% 21 100.0%
Secondary
school
8 57.1% 4 28.6% 2 14.3% 14 100.0%
Higher
education
3 100.0% 0.0% 0.0% 3 100.0%
No answer 0.0% 1 50.0% 1 50.0% 2 100.0%
Together 38 42.2% 48 53.3% 4 4.4% 90 100.0%
Figure 13
The examination of the audience of the different minority programmes
in the media can play an important role in the research on the importance and
consciousness of language use within a minority group. 7.8% of the informants
read newspapers written in Gypsy languages, 16.7% of them listen to Gypsy/
Roma programmes on the radio, and 37.8% of them watch programmes in
Gypsy languages on television. Having analysed the answers given by minorities, it can be stated that Gypsy/Roma residents pay attention to the Gypsy
press and Gypsy programmes on the radio in a smaller proportion than members of other minorities. At the same time, the most popular source of information is television for the Gypsy/Roma, a case similar to other minorities’.
3. Linguistic attitudes
If we examine extent to which the majority is expected to know a given
minority language, we can collect information about the relationship between
the given minority language and its users, and about the importance of the
minority language in its users’ identity.
Taking into consideration the school degree informants have, we can
state that the expectation towards the majority to know the Gypsy language
is increasing with school degree up to A-level qualifi cations. Though due to
the small number of answers, we cannot draw far-reaching conclusions from
the answers informants having degrees in higher education gave, it would be
interesting to do further research into why the most of them do not attribute
greater signifi cance to the demand that majorities speak Gypsy in townships 56
of mixed population. Only 2 of the aforementioned informants (66.7%) think
that speaking Gypsy is of high importance, while 1 of them did not answer the
question. 25.6% of male and 22.7% of female interviewees expect the majority
to know and speak their minority languages.
Yes No
Do not
know
No answer Total
Nationality
Degree Nr. % Nr. % Nr. % Nr. % Nr. %
Gypsy/
Roma
Less than 8
grades
2 16.7% 1 8.3% 3 25.0% 6 50.0% 12 100.0%
Max. 8
grades
7 18.4% 12 31.6% 4 10.5% 15 39.5% 38 100.0%
Vocational
apprentice
school
7 33.3% 5 23.8% 3 14.3% 6 28.6% 21 100.0%
Secondary
school
5 35.7% 3 21.4% 1 7.1% 5 35.7% 14 10 0.0%
Higher
education
0.0% 2 66.7% 0.0% 1 33.3% 3 100.0%
No answer 0.0% 0.0% 1 50.0% 1 50.0% 2 100.0%
Together 21 23.3% 23 25.6% 12 13.3% 34 37.8% 90 100.0%
Figure 13
The expectation among the 60–69 year-old people is signifi cantly high
(66.7%), among the 50–59 year-old signifi cantly low (14.3%), just like the expectation of the group between 40–49 year-old (17.6%), while 31.3% of the informants between the ages of 30–39 expected the majority to know the given
Gypsy language, 37.5% of them did not, and 31.3% of them did not reply to
this question at all.
Yes No Do not know No answer Total
Nationality
Age Nr. % Nr. % Nr. % Nr. % Nr. %
Gypsy/
Roma
20–29 9 29.0% 10 32.3% 3 9.7% 9 29.0% 31 100.0%
30–39 5 31.3% 6 37.5% 0.0% 5 31.3% 16 100.0%
40 – 49 3 17.6% 4 23.5% 2 11.8% 8 47.1% 17 100.0%
50–59 2 14.3% 2 14.3% 3 21.4% 7 50.0% 14 100.0%
60–69 0.0% 1 12.5% 4 50.0% 3 37.5% 8 100.0%
69< 2 66.7% 0.0% 0.0% 1 33.3% 3 100.0%
No
answer
0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 1 100.0% 1 100.0%
Together 21 23.3% 23 25.6% 12 13.3% 34 37.8% 90 100.0%
Figure 1557
3.1. The importance of speaking minority languages from an intraethnical point
of view
61.1% of the informants (55 people) of the Gypsy/Roma minority expect
the members of their minority group to know and speak a Gypsy language,
20.0% (18 people) of them do not, and 18.9% (17 people) did not answer the
question. The knowledge of Gypsy/Roma history and literature was important
for 40 people (40.0%), 15 people (16.7%) thought it was not, and 35 people
(38.9%) did not reply to the question.
The preservation and protection of the minority’s traditions was important for 52.2% of the informants, while it was not important for 14.4% of
them, and 30 (33.3%) did not answer the question.
35 of the 90 informants (38.9%) expect the members of the minority
group to declare their national minority identity, whilst 19 people thought otherwise, and 36 people gave no answer.
3.2. The protection of the minority language
According to the opinion of 46.7% of the informants (42 people), more
and better minority kindergartens and schools should be established for the
sake of protecting the native languages of the Gypsy/Roma citizens of Hungary. 38.9% of the informants think that the families should protect and transmit
the language better and 16.7% of them (15 people) think that the members of
the minority group should know their history and culture better. Only 1 person holds that it would be useful to generalise bilingualism in the townships,
and 4 individuals think that libraries should be developed.
Answers interesting for us were given to the question: what can be done
to prevent the Gypsy/Roma minority from forgetting its native languages. According to the answers of 7 seven informants replying to the question the
followings could help the preservation of the native languages of the Gypsy/
Roma minority: education, better life circumstances, future planning, support
for the poor and more work.58
4. The linguistic features of the Gypsy/Roma community in the
city of Pécs
Only 28 informants fi lled in the questionnaire in the city of Pécs, and,
thus, the survey is far from being representative. Nevertheless, some general
ideas can be drawn on the basis of the results.
There were 13 male (46.4%) and 15 female (53.6%) informants, mainly
between the ages 20-29. Taking into consideration their school degree 32.1%
of them graduated from secondary school, 28.6% of them fi nished 8 grades
only, 25.0% of them fi nished vocational apprentice school, and 10.7% graduated in higher education.
71.4% of them speak one of the Gypsy languages, only 1 person (3.3%)
speaks the language of another minority, and 8 people speak another nonminority language.
The protection and preservation of traditions and the use of the native
language is very important for the communities of the Gypsy/Roma minority
of Pécs. The local Gypsy Minority Self-Government and other Gypsy/Roma
non-governmental organisations play an active role in that. We have to emphasise the work of the teachers at the Department of Romology of the Faculty
of Arts and Humanities at the University of Pécs lead by Katalin R. Forray, an
institution enabling Gypsy/Roma and non-Gypsy students to study Beas and
Romany and the cultures, history and traditions of the Gypsy/Roma communities. The students can earn their degrees as Romologist – Beas language
teachers, or as Romologist – Lovari language teachers.
Thanks to Anna Orsós Pálmainé, an accredited exam of Beas can be
taken in the Profex Language Exam Centre.
Gandhi High School is a signifi cant example of secondary level education in Gypsy/Roma culture and language, and was the fi rst place where the
teaching of the Gypsy languages started offi cially in 1994.
In the primary schools of Magyarmecske, Nagyharsány, Kétújfalu and
Hetvehely the children can study Beas, and in Versend Lovari courses are offered.59
5. Language politics: minority language rights
While doing research on the status Gypsy in Hungary, we have to take
into consideration the development of the international law protecting Gypsy
languages and culture.
The development of international law started to fl ourish within the
institution of the Council of Europe in the end of the ‘80s. The European
Charter for Regional or Minority Languages (hereafter: charter) signed by the
Hungarian Republic among the fi rst countries is the document of international
law protecting the vindication of language rights for minorities in Hungary.
The declaration of the Hungarian diplomatic accession was in 1992. The
Hungarian law implemented the Charter on 7th April, 1995 fi rst; the National
Assembly of Hungary ratifi ed it by the decision 35/1995. ( IV.7.). The Charter
became effective in Europe on 1st March, 1998. The National Assembly of
Hungary proclaimed and enacted the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities (Strasbourg, 1st February, 1995) by passing the Law
1999. XXXIV.
The fi rst Article of the Charter defi nes the concept of regional or minority languages: “the languages traditionally used within a given territory of
a State by nationals of that State who form a group numerically smaller than
the rest of the State’s population and different from the offi cial language(s) of
that State”.
The Charter is different from earlier international agreements in two
respects:
1) The object of regulation is language rights exclusively;
2) The text of the agreement gives plenty of rope to the national law of
individual states joining it.
The Charter does not defi ne – and, therefore, does not distinguish – individual and collective language rights. It is about the protection of the languages and approaches based on the recognition that “the historical regional or
minority languages of Europe, some of which are in danger of eventual extinction, contribute[s] to the maintenance and development of Europe’s cultural
wealth and traditions”. The principle of the Charter, consisting of fi ve parts, is
that the assurance of multilingualism is the obligation of every single state.
The Charter includes nine fundamental principles that are obligatory
for the states with respect to all the languages falling under the jurisdiction of
the Charter:60
• “the recognition of the regional or minority languages as an expression of cultural wealth;
• the respect of the geographical area of each regional or minority
language (…);
• the need for resolute action to promote regional or minority languages in order to safeguard them;
• the facilitation and/or encouragement of the use of regional or minority languages, in speech and writing, in public and private life;
• the maintenance and development of links (…) between groups using a regional or minority language and other groups (…);
• the provision of appropriate forms and means for the teaching and
study of regional or minority languages at all appropriate stages;
• the provision of facilities enabling non-speakers of a regional or minority language living in the area where it is used to learn it if they
so desire;
• the promotion of study and research on regional or minority languages at universities or equivalent institutions;
• the promotion of appropriate types of transnational exchanges
(…).”
It is obligatory for every state to choose at least 35 self-executing decrees
(the total number of them is almost 100) for the vindication of these fundamental principles, and at least three of these decrees have to concern education,
three of them should apply to cultural activity and cultural institutions, and
one of them have to include decrees concerning jurisdiction, administration,
mass media and communication and the economical and social life.
It is important from the point of view of this paper that according to the
3
rd
paragraph of Article 1. the non-territorial languages fall under the jurisdiction of the Charter. As a consequence, Gypsy/Roma native languages are offered the possibility to make the fi rst tentative steps on the “European route”
of linguistic emancipation.
At the beginning of the ‘90s, the democratic development of the region
resulted in the minorities’ great hopes and expectations for fulfi lling the promise of political freedom. It was expected that the rules for protecting minorities
and their rights (language rights among others) supported by legal guarantees
and the possibility of the vindication of these rules in international forums will
be based on international contracts in a short time. These expectations have
not been fulfi lled until our days. However, the Charter and the other agree-61
ments concerning the issue must be interpreted as a signifi cant step towards
the fulfi lment of these expectations.
10
The government guaranteed to have completed two reports about the
status of Gypsy languages and a proposal for the protection of these them by
the deadline of December 2005. A study was completed by Anna Orsós Pálmainé
11
about the status of Beas, and József Daróczi Choli and Imre Vajda
12
produced a report on the status of Romany. As the result of these reports, we
expect the development of the protection for Gypsy languages in the near
future.
Summary
In the present study I have tried to prove that there was no representative sociological and sociolinguistic research available about Gypsy languages
and their use in Baranya County. Scientifi c research and ethnological studies
are the works of a handful of researchers of special interest and signifi cant
diligence; still publications concerning the issue are hard to come by even these
days.
At the same time we can look into the future with great expectations
since the institutional background of minority languages in Baranya County is
in a much better shape than the average in Hungary.
Nevertheless, the status of Romany and Beas in the beginning of the 21
st
century is much more important than their institutional support. Now, we can
be sure that these two languages are excluded from the circle of the languages
doomed to extinction. We can be certain of this because these languages have
reached the basics of linguistic standardisation and grammatical description,
and the basics of lexical fi xation in ever-expanding bilingual lexicons. Interest
in the re-learning of native languages and culture among people caring for the
memory of their Gypsy/Roma ancestors is signifi cantly high. Moreover, the
offi cial state recognition of the two different languages encourages many nonGypsy individuals to study them.
Translated by Imre Miska
10 Szalayné 2003, 221–222.
11 Orsós Pálmainé, Anna: Beas in education in present day Hungary: survey, description and assessment (For
the Offi ce for National and Ethnic Minorities).
12 Daróczi Choli, József – Vajda, Imre: Lovari in education in present day Hungary: survey, description
and assessment (For the Offi ce for National and Ethnic Minorities).62
Works Cited
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belül.” [The Place of the Bea Language within the Romanian] Cigány nyelvek
nemzetközi szemináriuma. Konferenciakötet. Pécs: PTE BTK Romológia Tanszék,
1989.
Demeter Zayzon, Mária. “A magyarországi kisebbségek nyelvi jogai.”
[The Language R ights of the M inorities in Hungary] Nyelvi jogok, kisebbségek,
nyelvpolitika Kelet-Közép-Európában. Ed. Nádor, Orsolya and Szarka, László. Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó – Magyar Kisebbségi Könyvtár, 2003, 220–231.
Erdős, Kamill. Cigánytanulmányai. [Gypsy Studies] Békéscsaba: Gyulai
Erkel Ferenc Múzeum, 1989.
Kemény, István, Fleck, Gábor, Derdák, Tibor and Orsós, János.
“Nyelvi csoportok és nyelvhasználat.” [Language Groups and Language Use]
A mag yarországi romák. Változó Világ 31. Ed. Kemény, István. Budapest: Útmutató Kiadó – Press Publica, 2000.
Kemény, István. A mag yarországi cigányság szerkezete a nyelvi változások
tükrében. [The Structure of Hungarian Roma Groups in Light of Linguistic
Changes] Régio 1. (1991).
Kertesi, Gábor and Kézdi, Gábor. A cigány népesség Mag yarországon.
[The Gypsy Population in Hungary] Budapest: Socio-typo, 1998.
Labodáné Lakatos, Szilvia, Pálmainé Orsós, Anna and Varga,
Aranka. “A magyarországi cigány nyelvek.” [Gypsy Languages in Hungary]
Roma tanulók iskolai pszichológiája. Ed. László, János and Forray R., Katalin. Pécs:
PTE BTK Romológia Tanszék, 2002.
Orsós, Anna. “A magyarországi cigányok nyelvi csoportjai.” [The Language Groups of the Hungarian Gypsies] Cigány Néprajzi Tanulmányok 6. Ed.
Bódi, Zsuzsanna. Budapest: 194–199.
Orsós, Anna. A mag yarországi cigány nyelvek szociolingvisztikai, nyelvpolitikai megközelítése. [The Sociolinguistic and Language Political Approach of the
Gypsy Languages in Hungary] (MS)
Réger, Zita. A cigányság helyzetének nyelvi és iskolai vonatkozásai. [The Linguistic and Educational Concerns of the Status of the Gypsy] Szociálpolitikai
értesítő 2. (1984).63
Réger, Zita. A cigány nyelv: Kutatások és vitapontok – Műhelymunkák a
nyelvészet és társtudományai köréből. [The Gypsy Language] Budapest: MTA Nyelvtudományi Intézet, 1988.
Réger, Zita. Cigány g yerekek nyelvi problémái és iskolai esélyei. [ Language
Problems and Educational Chances of Gypsy Children] Iskolakultúra 24.
(1996): 102–106.
Steward, Michael Sinclair. Daltestvérek. Az oláh cigány identitás és közösség
továbbélése a szocialista Mag yarországon. [Songbrothers] Budapest: T-Twins Kiadó
– MTA Szociológiai Intézet – Max Weber Alapítvány, 1993.
Szalai, Andrea. A beások. Az etnikai identitás határai a nyelvhasználat
tükrében. [The Bea] Kritika 12. (1997): 7–9.
Szalayné Sándor, Erzsébet. A kisebbségvédelem nemzetközi jogi intézményrendszere a 20. században. [The International Legal Institution System of the
Minority Protection in the 20. Century] Kisebbségi monográfi ák 3., Budapest:
MTA Kisebbségkutató Intézet – Gondolat, 2003.64
Szilvia Lakatos:
Gypsy Languages in Baranya County
In the present study I have tried to prove that there was no representative sociological and sociolinguistic research available about Gypsy languages
and their use in Baranya County. Scientifi c research and ethnological studies
are the works of a handful of researchers of special interest and signifi cant
diligence; still publications concerning the issue are hard to come by even
these days.
At the same time we can look into the future with great expectations
since the institutional background of minority languages in Baranya County is
in a much better shape than the average in Hungary.
Nevertheless, the status of Romany and Beas in the beginning of the
21st century is much more important than their institutional support. Now,
we can be sure that these two languages are excluded from the circle of the
languages doomed to extinction. We can be certain of this because these languages have reached the basics of linguistic standardisation and grammatical
description, and the basics of lexical fi xation in ever-expanding bilingual lexicons. Interest in the re-learning of native languages and culture among people
caring for the memory of their Gypsy/Roma ancestors is signifi cantly high.
Moreover, the offi cial state recognition of the two different languages encourages many non-Gypsy individuals to study them.
Gypsy languages in Baranya County
Two Gypsy languages are offi cially accepted in Hungary: Beas and
Romany. The traditional languages are very important for the Gypsy/Roma
communities in order to save their traditions and their identity.
The improvement and protection of both languages is provided by the
European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages.
In this research 90 Roma people fi lled in a questionnaire in 17 townships: Abaliget, Adorjás, Alsószentmárton, Gilvánfa, Hidas, Hirics, Komló,
Kóros, Kölked, Mágocs, Pécs, Pécsvárad, Sásd, Sellye, Siklós, Siklósnagyfalu,
and Szigetvár.
Within the use of Romany and Beas languages I mention the use of
these languages within the family, the linguistic socialisation of the children,
the teaching and the preservation of these languages. The Department of Ro-65
mology of the Faculty of Arts and Humanities at the University of Pécs has the
ambition and possibility to protect these languages.
Translated by Imre Miska66
Aranka Varga – Gypsy children in education –
inclusive school based on cooperation
Introduction
As teachers we confront the fact day by day that at primary school there
are just few Gypsy children among well-performing students, while among
students failing in something, requiring special education and dropping out of
school we can fi nd the signifi cant number of them. This fact is also confi rmed
by national and international investigations which examine the admission and
progress of children studying at different levels of the general education in the
light of their family background as well. As kindergarten and primary school
teachers it is especially painful to see that children starting with similar abilities run a totally different scholastic course which depends on what family
background they were born to. The differences in fi nancial circumstances and
between the requirements of the school and the family could be bridged over
more simply in the “without stake” community of the kindergarten and in the
one-teacher system of lower primary education. But dysfunctions strengthening
inequality appear even here: Gypsy children are rather left out of kindergarten
education, and at the school entry, Hungarian education system effectuates a
strong selection mechanism, which results in internal as well as interscholastic
segregation. The structure of senior school years – subject teachers alternating
each other and teaching in one or two hours a week, the pressing necessity of
the curriculum to acquire – makes it all the more diffi cult to establish personal
contact beyond the subject, and hinders the identifi cation and understanding
of typical problems of this period as well as the common search of solutions,
which deepens the differences between students. All this shows that chances
for a successful school career among Gypsy and non-Gypsy children are multiply. In the last decades several proposals, laws, regulations and exemplary initiations were made to solve this problem. Cases observed in everyday practice
and exerting a strong infl uence on the educational situation of Gypsies shall
be considered in their historical context, examined from the point of view of
the sociology of education, educational policy and pedagogy, and supported by
demographical statistics as follows.67
1. Educational indicators
Educational statistics of the Gypsy and the direction and the way of
progress will be presented here by the surveys of the last decades concerning
the Gypsies. In addition to this, a comparison with global social indicators will
also be necessary, and in relation to this, a review of effi ciency, that is, success
in the labour market.
1.1 Country-wide surveys of the Gypsy: 1971, 1993, and 2003
István Kemény’s and his working team’s surveys of 1971, 1993 and
2003
13
show the situation of the Hungarian Gypsy in numbers. Educational
statistics prove that despite the signifi cant changes of the educational level of
the Gypsy in the last 30 years, the tendency of an increasing distance between
the Gypsy and non-Gypsy population is still observable today. In order to fully
comprehend this difference, here are some educational characteristics from the
comparison of the statistics of the three surveys:
Wide-ranging kindergarten education of Gypsy children has not been
solved yet.
Even the statistics of 1993 show that a great proportion of Gypsy children drop out of kindergarten. This is a problem because most literature on education mention that kindergarten education is extremely important for groups
of society whose children are unsuccessful at school.
According to the statistics of 1993 and 2003, Gypsy children’s participation in kindergarten education has been reduced because of the insuffi cient
capacity of these institutions.
The disadvantage is also accumulated thereby that there are more people who cannot register their children at kindergarten among those who live in
disadvantaged settlements and regions. So these little students enter the school
without in any preparation whatsoever.
The proportion of young people with primary school qualifi cation only
has signifi cantly increased among Gypsy youth.
While in 1971 86% of the Gypsy population had no primary school
qualifi cation, in 1993 this proportion decreased by half (42%), and in 2003 it
was diminishing steadily. Now the whole society is characterized by primary
school qualifi cation in general.
13 Kemény 1976.; Kemény 1994.; Kemény − Janky − Lengyel 2004.68
The primary school (8 class) qualifi cation increases more intensively, especially in the younger generation, which means that – according to the statistics of 2003 – 20% of the Gypsy population aged 20 to 40 years did not obtain
primary school qualifi cation.
There is a difference concerning the obtainment of primary school qualifi cations between Gypsy groups. In 2003, Gypsies aged 20 to 24 years, whose
mother tongue is Hungarian or who are Beás Gypsies had primary school
qualifi cation in equal proportion (84–85%), Oláh Gypsies had it in a smaller
proportion (72%).
It is a characteristic of the 90s that 81% of the entire population and
31% of the Gypsy population fi nished primary school at the age of 14. At the
age of 15, considering the entire population, this value is 90%, among the
Gypsies it is 44%. At the age of 16 almost the entire population (96%) obtains
the primary school qualifi cation, but among the Gypsy youth this value is only
63%. The reason for this can be late school entry and high rate of failure and
the consequence is the decrease in chances for profi ciency at secondary level.
The quality of the participation in secondary education and the measure
of profi ciency is changing signifi cantly.
Regarding the Gypsy population, in 1993 the social stratum of skilled
workers appeared (12% of the Gypsy population), but mainly in trades which
are less prospering in the labour market.
Between 1971 and 1993 the number of people who had taken an A-level
examination was not changing signifi cantly (it was between 2–3%), but this
ratio was increasing till 2003. However, a distinction must be made between
people who has been registered at an institution providing A-level certifi cates
and people who obtain it, because surveys show that a considerable part of
Gypsy students drop out of secondary school.
Considering social causes of profi ciency at secondary level, it is important to emphasize that during the time of the change of the political system,
the number of students who were qualifi ed to secondary school increased signifi cantly (with 40%), while the number of people with primary school quali-
fi cation decreased in equal proportion. This means that the augmentation of
places and the decrease of the number of applicants together opened secondar y
schools for a big crowd of young Gypsies. This tendency was further strengthened by the fact that in the normative fi nancial system of the general education, 69
it is an institutional goal to register as much students as possible in September,
while preventing them from dropping out is of lower priority.
The education of Gypsy students is characterized by segregation.
One of the different forms of segregation is the orientation of students
to different primary schools (normal schools or schools with special curriculum). The problem is double-sided: from the point of view of the labour market, schools with special curriculum hardly give a useful qualifi cation, and regarding their organisation method, they offer their service in a separated form.
Although the number of students who had been orientated to schools with
a special curriculum had been decreased till 1993, the proportion of Gypsy
students compared to non-Gypsy students had been increased by degrees. According to the survey of 2003, 14.5% of Gypsy students go to a special school.
This number can even be higher, if we take into consideration those Gypsy
students too, who are in classes with low number of participants or in classes
of “catching up” programs. All in all, we can say that every fi fth Gypsy student
takes part in an education, which is a dead-end from the point of view of the
labour market, and in a form of education which separates them from students
studying normal curriculum, even during their school years.
Another form of segregation is created latently in normal education by
selection mechanisms which are characteristics of the Hungarian educational
system. Local and regional segregating processes intensify the selection as well.
In 1971 “c” classes were established “for the benefi t” of Gypsy children to help
them to catch up. These classes have eliminated from the system step by step
under the pressure of professional counter-arguments, but during this time
latent selection mechanisms became more determinant. In the ‘80s, separation was performed latently by classes with special curricula, while nowadays,
school segregation in-between schools is becoming more and more dominant.
According to the statistics of the surveys of 2003, 13% of Gypsy students go to
a homogeneous class or school. In Budapest, the chance of segregated education is three times more than in a village. Further studies
14
demonstrate that
segregated education of Gypsy students also means a low-quality education
service, which is manifested in the teaching staff as well as in material conditions.
14 Havas − Liskó 2004.70
1.2. Educational level in comparison with country-wide statistics
In his study
15
, Gábor Kézdi compares Kemény and his team’s statistics
of 1993 to the statistics concerning non-Roma people of the Central Statistical
Offi ce.
Educational level of the population aged over twenty in Hungary, 1993 (%)
Educational level Roma people non-Roma people
0–7 classes of the primary school 43 19
8 classes of the primary school 41 25
Vocational school 2 1
Trade school 12 21
A-level certifi cate 2 24
Higher educational certifi cate 0 10
Sum total 100 100
Table 1. Statistics of 1993 on the educational level of people living in Hungary
In the comparison of the educational level of the Gypsy and non-Gypsy
population, statistics concerning the youth show a greater difference.
Number of people with higher than elementary (8 classes)
education in Hungary, 1993 (%)
Age
Roma people non-Roma people
Vocational
school
Trade
school
A-level
certifi cate
Vocational
school
Trade
school
A-level
certifi cate
20 to 30 years 2 17 3 2 34 46
Sum total 22% 82%
Table 2
While in 1993, almost 50% of non-Roma people aged 20 to 30 had an
A-level certifi cate, this number could hardly reach 3% among Gypsy youth.
Further study
1996/1997 1997/19998 1998/1999
NonGypsy
Gypsy
NonGypsy
Gypsy
NonGypsy
Gypsy
Does not continue his/
her studies
2 ,3 16,5 2 ,8 16,1 3,2 14,9
Special vocational school 4,4 8,6 5,4 10,4 3,2 9,4
Trade school 36,5 61,6 34,9 57,5 36,8 56,5
Vocational high school 38,3 9,3 37,3 12,0 38,1 15,4
High school 18,3 3,7 19,3 3,8 18,4 3,6
Sum total 100,0 100,0 100,0 100,0 100,0 100,0
N 167,0 168,0 176,0 176,0 177,0 182,0
Table 3. Proportion of people continuing their studies among school-leavers (%)
16
15 Kézdi 1999.
16 Liskó 2002.71
The statistics of the table above show only the input of institutions giving an A-level certifi cate. Further research shows – as was mentioned earlier
– that the drop-out of Gypsy students is very signifi cant. This means that the
increase of inputs at the secondary level, which arises from the educational
expansion, does not necessarily mean a progress concerning the obtention of
A-level certifi cates among Gypsy students. The question is how many young
people do fi nish these institutions, how many do continue their studies in a
school having a low prestige, and how many fi nish their studies before obtaining any certifi cate. Even the percentage of students continuing their studies
is not without interest as well as the worth of a career-starter with an A-level
certifi cate at the labour market.
2. Educational forms – the legal framework
2.1. Historical review of the education of the Gypsy
The Gypsy research of 1893 also touches upon literacy besides language
sk ills. It says that “the percentage of people who are able to read and write
among the entire population is seven times as much among men and ten times
as much among women as among the Gypsies”.
17
In the period after this report made 120 years ago, a great variety of attempts were initiated expecting the assimilation of Gypsies from the improvement of their educational situation. At the beginning of the 20th century, there
was a regulation which legitimized the displacement of Gypsy children from
their family and to children’s homes.
18
From the ‘40s, in settlements densely
populated by Gypsies, “Gypsy schools”
19
were established, which was a more
humanitarian form of Gypsy assimilation. From the beginning of the ‘60s, the
Central Committee of the Hungarian Socialist Worker’s Party discussed the
“improvement of the situation of the Gypsy population” on several occasions,
in which education and culture were supported to play an important part.
Besides kindergartens and schools for Gypsies, the establishment of ”Gypsy
classes” came into prominence, and it is still a question under professional
discussion.
2 0
The question of teaching Gypsy languages and teaching in Gypsy
17 Mezey 1986, 155.
18 Departmental order of fundamental importance on the legal declaration of the abandonment
of children (1908), Regulation No 86.471/1916 of the Ministry of Interior Affairs on the accommodation for wandering Gypsy children in children’s homes. See: Mezey 1986, 210–211.
19 Order on the establishment of the school for Gypsies in Pankasza (1942). See: Mezey 1986.
20 Réger 1974.; Réger 1978.72
languages arose as a part of this debate. It is due to the linguist Zita Réger that
this question has been made clear scientifi cally.
21
The real change in educational chances for the Gypsy was effected by
the change of political system. The new constitution (1990), the law on minority rights (1993) and the public education act (1993) create a legal framework for
the different Hungarian minorities to exercise their nationality rights.
2.2 The principle of equal opportunity and education for ethnic minorities in Hungarian educational policy
There is a study
22
showing the historical development and the turn of
view about equal opportunities and the educational policy of fi ve countries,
and which makes a review of the last forty years of the circumstances in Hungary. The study states that from the ‘50s, emancipation measures were mainly
administrative. Later, these measures became more appeased, which entailed
the differentiation of education. At the same time, the notion of equal opportunity appeared in the socialist scale of values. In the decentralized educational
policy of the period after the change of the political system, there had not been
any complex program till 2002, which would have aimed at equal opportunities and been effective against exclusion. Measures relating to the education
services for Gypsy and/or disadvantaged children can be found at the level of
educational fi nancing.
The period after the change of political system was characterized by the
development of the regulation of minority education. Tendencies of educational policy, which threw light upon the appearance of sociocultural differences
in school, can be followed up in this process very well.
23
Among other things,
“catching-up” programs for Gypsies was an example for this, which was a
much discussed question from several aspects, and the results of which were
doubtful as well.
24
Legal framework, historical development and possibilities of
this question are treated in Forray’s study
25
, who makes a professional proposal
at the same time to provide an answer to the abnormalities. The fi rst two of
21 Réger 1984.
22 Bajomi − Berkovits − Erőss − Imre 2003.
23 Forray − Hegedűs 2003, 13−14.
24 The order No. 32/1997. (XI.5.) of the Ministry of Culture and Education on the issue of the
Directive on the kindergarten education of the national ethnic minority and of the Directive on
the school education of the national ethnic minority (Magyar Közlöny 95. (1997): 6634–6639.).
25 Forray 2000.73
her “directions of solution” point the basically unsuccessful character of the
“catching-up programs for Gypsies”.
“It is a source of a permanent confusion that the relieving of consequences of the disadvantaged social circumstances and the promotion of ethnic minority culture are interlinked and blended in the educational program
for Gypsies. Both objections are justifi able and executable, but it would be
necessary to make a clear distinction between the two.
Catching-up programs cannot be applied as a national program to the
whole verticum of education. This has its place in the pre-school period and
in the period of schooling. Catching-up classes at higher levels should aim at
the correction of individual defi ciencies and not of an ethnic group. The same
holds for the care of talented children.” (Forray, 2000)
In of autumn 2002, the educational administration set apart the school
service of the compensation for social disadvantages (under the name of skilldeveloping and integrative preparation) and the program of preservation for
Gypsy identity (under the name of ethnic minority program for Gypsies) in a
regulation
26
. The target groups of the two services were differentiated as well:
those students could be drawn into the integration program, whose parents
were low-qualifi ed and low-paid, while participants of the ethnic minority program for Gypsies were children whose parents had applied for the program.
The ethnic minority program for Gypsies is explicitly referred to among
the Hungarian ethnic minority programs. This means that although the content of the service is similar to the minority education of other ethnic minorities (preserving one’s identity, knowledge relating to the own ethnic group and
their literature, language and history), the allocation is specially retrenched.
It is possible to teach Gypsy ethnology in Hungarian – without any language teaching – three classes a week, which might as well be integrated into
the curriculum of other subjects and not in an extra timeframe.
Besides ethnology (one class a week), Gypsy language is facultative (two
classes). Language teaching can be carried out in an intensive course.
The simplifi cation of ethnic minority education for Gypsies described
above has been a question under discussion from then on. According to the
supporters, this is a temporary situation, which facilitates the introduction and
the widespread dissemination, especially with the insuffi cient amount of teach-
26 Regulation No. 11/1994 (VI. 8) of the Ministry of Culture and Education §39/D. (4) and
§39/E (4) Regulation of the Ministry of Education No. 58/2002.74
ing material necessary for the program, and the lack of language teacher training. Opponents, on the other hand, emphasize that language teaching of this
k ind (unqual ifi ed “teachers”, insuffi cient number of weekly classes) doesn’t enhance the low prestige of Gypsy languages.
Sociologists determined the target group (multiply disadvantaged people) of another norm in 2002 (norm of skill-development and integrative preparation) by what they judged the two most important categories. Up to date, the
major part of people belonging to these categories (low-qualifi ed and low-paid
people) is constituted by Gypsies. Although Gypsies are present latently in the
target group of this program – for the very reasons described above -, it is important to stress that it is not Gypsy children who are targeted by the program.
In spite of the fact that they will always be social disadvantaged groups because
of the social stratifi cation, in the long run it can be expected that this group
will not always be constituted by Gypsies. So it is necessary to declare that in a
democratic country, social condition cannot be synonymous with ethnicity.
This approach characterizes the program as well, during the introduction of which schools and special vocational schools supply pedagogical service for disadvantaged students establishing a high-quality school environment.
Elements of this are as follows:
Equal opportunity is manifested by the fact that the supplementary
subsidy relating to pedagogical assistance for disadvantaged students can be
requested only if students belonging to the target group and other students
get prescribed pedagogical service together. This means that the regulation
defi nes the education allocation, which – following from basic human rights –
works against segregation.
The professional guarantee and supporter of equal opportunities is the
integrative pedagogical system27
, which has the intention to disseminate co-education among schools. It requires not only the elimination of existing forms of
segregation, but it demands the integration of pedagogical and methodological
contents from the institutions as well, which make co-education successful.
If any of the two goals is infringed, no successful integrative preparation
is possible. Creating conditions for education without segregation (for example
by the modifi cation of the proportion of children with different social conditions) is not a guarantee for the establishment of a long-range and deeply rooted
integration practice. This requires the assurance of equal opportunities, that is,
27 A hátrányos helyzetű tanulók integrációs és képesség-kibontakoztató felkészítésének pedagó-
giai rendszere. Oktatási Közlöny XLVII. 20 (2003 Augusztus 6.): 3241–3248.75
the establishment of a pedagogical institution becoming inclusive in the spirit
of cooperation. Recipient institutions have to enforce the heterogeneity of the
environment. This must be realized in the services as well: social relations or
learning and teaching materials of the institution, for example, should be accessible with equal opportunity for the entire community. The two goals – the
elimination of segregation (that is co-educating framework for the organization) and inclusiveness (real equal access to knowledge) – are inseparable.
2.3 Strategies of coexistence
During the coexistence of different groups of the society different requirements and strategies of majority and minority have been established. So
we can talk about the assimilation, marginalization, segregation, separation
or integration of a minority group. These strategies were of different levels of
importance in the different periods.
There is an interaction in the establishment of the forms of coexistence:
the strategy of the education system28
and the strategy of the school depend on
the approach of the social environment. The way in which the school represent
social diversity in the institution
29
and the results of this relating to the success of children coming from different social environment at school are very
interesting questions.
Hungarian and international experiences of recent decades show clearly
that neither the strategy of assimilation nor the strategy of segregation can help
solve the problem of successful school achievement independently of the social
circumstances.
30
Segregation
31
and the process of reproducing social inequality are still
dominant in the Hungarian education system as shown in the diagram below,
which is based upon the data of the year 2003 of a Hungarian town.
28 Kozma 1993.
29 Forray – Hegedűs 1999, 144.
30 Derdák – Varga 1996; Derdák.– Varga 2003.
31 Havas – Kemény – Liskó 2002.76
Table 4
Benefi ts of the strategy of co-education among children with different sociocultural background are verifi ed.
32
But in order to achieve this not a
Roma pedagogy
33
, but a change of pedagogical views and methods is necessary.
Regarding the integrative preparation regulated by the above mentioned order
of the Ministry of Education, the renewal in terms of views and pedagogical
background should manifest itself in the Integrative Pedagogical System.
3. Roma pedagogy vs. inclusive education
3.1. Inclusive pedagogy in the education of Gypsy/Roma children
A Hungarian study
34
, which was born along the meeting of cultures,
and the aim of which is to describe Roma/Gypsy children’s school situation
while giving a detailed analysis of inclusive education, urge a paradigm shift
instead of the preservation of previous school strategies and practices. The
new approach – based on international experiences– doesn’t categorize Roma
students by labelling (expressing their otherness and defi cit). It considers every
student as an individual entity and it proposes a pedagogical provision for the
different educational demands in the light of this conception. The educational
framework of inclusive school services is based on the principle of heterogeneity. The fi ght against exclusion, an open-minded and tolerant atmosphere, all
forms of cooperation (in the relationship between teacher and teacher, student
32 Kagan 2001.
33 Forray 2001.
34 Réthy 2004.
Schools
Gypsy students %
both parents fi nished primary schools or did not fi nish it %
enjoys social benefi t after children %
further education on secondary level77
and student, student and teacher, teacher and parents), activity-oriented education forms (complying with the child-centred and alternative pedagogical
practices), the differentiated education based on individual education plan and
adjusted to the individual requirements, the application of a great variety of
evaluation methods and the change of the traditional pedagogical roles are
features dominantly defi ning the characteristics of this educational form. It is
important that the inclusive school is a continuously developing system. The
quality of the particular situations of this system can be described by means
of requirements like the measure of decentralization, the application of open
organizational forms, the variety of teaching and learning materials, the standards of school management and teaching, an inclusive comprehension of the
differences among students, monitoring and developing, and the characteristics of school maintenance (conditions, degree of supply, legal regulation,
social environment).
The simultaneous appearance of the above mentioned criteria result in
a paradigm shift within the formal framework of knowledge acquisition and
socialization. We can say that the new approach and the practice that realize it
is high-quality pedagogy – for example to implement multicultural education –
without new limits and in favour of the requirements and success supposed to
be objectives for the students. First of all, this conception considers students as
independent personalities in their own complexity who cannot be categorized
for the very reason of their particularity, which, in turn, is a result of infi nite
combinations of characteristics. Only a reaction to continuously changing requirements formulated in the light of individuality can really be inclusive.
3.2 Integration as framework for educational organizations assuring equal opportunity
The educational expansion of the last hundred years has resulted in a
social claim, which demands that the democratization of the education system
must become an instrument providing a possibility of mobility for members of
society independently of their social condition. Theories and surveys of sociology and sociology of education argue for and against this possibility. Between
theories and investigations there is an everyday pedagogical practice. Successful or unsuccessful students, young or elder teachers – applying traditional
methods or having innovating intentions – and families with different social
background demand the same of the school: taking care of the process of socialization of their children with as much solicitude as possible. Solicitude as
high-quality environment of education means that the school exploits material 78
and human resources during the processes of learning and organizing education, the output show real results and all this applies true to every child, i. e.,
the school is characterized by fairness.
35
Analysis in the PISA reports of 2000 and 2003 touched upon the relation between family background and students’ results. Based on these fi ndings, Hungary belongs to the countries in which family background exercises
a great infl uence on school career and chances at the labour-market.
36
This
also means that in Hungary, the education system is unable to provide equal
opportunities for students with different socio-cultural backgrounds, which
means that our education system doesn’t meet the requirements of high-quality
education. One reason for this is that even at the entry level of the education
system, selection mechanisms are well-detectable. This kind of selection at
school – among others – results in the emergence of homogeneous classes, and
intensifi es disadvantages, because the cultural capital of families works only
through the spectrum of students a school hosts.
37
The 2000 report on Hungarian education states in a special chapter
38
that social disadvantages do not translate necessarily into educational disadvantages: pedagogical factors can be determinant in the children’s success at
school. But this needs a dissemination of education services, which assure
equal opportunity (which means a form of organizing education resulting in
equal access) and equal opportunities (which is realized by the inclusive system
resulting in the compensation for differences).
The multicultural perspective – understood as an effective, successful
and fair take on social heterogeneity – can only be effective, if its fi rst step is
assuring heterogeneity at the level of the framework of educational organization. Such “integration” enables only the possibility of co-education. To assure
success, a paradigm shift relating to the content and methods – besides the
educational framework – should be effected.
39
35 Lannert 2004.
36 Vári 2003.; Felvégi 2005.
37 Lannert 2004.
38 Radó 2000.
39 Arató – Varga 2004.79
3.3 Cooperative education as an inclusive system assuring equal opportunity
40
If we consider multicultural education as creating the high-quality education environment described above, we must agree to pose the following
question: “Is multicultural pedagogy a new pedagogy?”
41
That is to say that
multicultural pedagogy is rather a framework of views, making the dissemination of inclusive pedagogy possible during its history by focusing on the social
context of the school (emancipation of difference) and by the democratization
of the school as social institution (providing equality).
It is a fundamental view of the inclusive education that the inclusive environment should be created by considering the individual (social, cultural or
biological) differences of students in their complexity, paying special attention
to them, and observing them on principle. The idea of inclusive environment
also entails that all people taking part in the education (teachers, students, parents) become acquainted with individual differences in the spirit of cooperation, accept them as a value, and build on them.
42
This assures – on the basis
of the principle of children’s right – the high-quality education environment,
where effi ciency, successfulness and equality can be realized. The pedagogical
toolbar created in the spirit of inclusive pedagogy can democratically assure
the practical aspects of the multicultural perspective on education. The framework of this toolbar is cooperative education, which has been functioning for
about fi ve years and which is a result of the educational requirement of a successful coexistence of cultural diversity without confl icts. It became apparent
in a short time that cooperative educational organizations represent pedagogical principles – and realizes concrete methods of them – which meet all three
criteria of high-quality education. So today this system points beyond the initial intention: today it is not only a generally interpreted democratic view with
only one method (mosaic)
43
, but a range of activities – based on fundamental
principles –, which can operate a real inclusive system on a daily basis. This
range of activities is called cooperative education. It is important to know that
only a democratic cooperation described and implemented concretely – compared to the general notion of cooperation – and helped by practical principles
can properly be referred to as real cooperative education. The guarantee of
40 Arató –Varga 2006.
41 Boreczky 1999.
42 Torgyik 2004.
43 Aronson 1978.80
real cooperation is the co-appearance, in the greatest possible number, of basic
principles enumerated below.
The principle of fl exibility
The principle of fl exibility in educational organizations means that cooperative learning processes should be organized in such a manner that they
should correspond to the participants’ and organizers’ personal, common and
professional-educational requirements recognized and formulated together
and to the identifi ed exigencies, wishes and ideas. That is to say that learning
processes should be organized on the basis of individuality.
The other side of the principle of fl exibility is the following: the education organizer can respond to the requirements and exigencies incurred only
because during the cooperative learning he/she is not attached to the methods,
but to the idea of cooperative education. Keeping to these principles, interiorizing these attitudes and demonstrating behavioural models mean further help
for the organizer. On this basis, he/she can make a selection among different
methods and combine newer methods of them.
The principle of simultaneous parallel interaction
The principle of simultaneous parallel interaction counts the direct actions/interactions of participants, i. e., the number of simultaneous personal
interactions during a disposable unit of time.
According to the principle of simultaneous parallel interaction, we
should strive for the highest number of simultaneous personal interactions.
For this reason, the principle of parallelism conduces to smaller cooperative
groups.
The principle of positive interdependence
4 4
According to the principle of positive interdependence, the organization of learning processes should secure cooperation as the only way to acquire
knowledge. This means that we create structures which motivate cooperation,
and participants can only learn successfully, if they cooperate.
The principle of positive interdependence manifest itself clearly in the
above mentioned “mosaic” method by Aronso, which helps the positive interdependence by classical simplicity: it distributes tasks and contents of learning
materials among group members, and invites them to put them together in a
mosaic-like way.
44 Johnson – Johnson 1994.81
The principle of equal participation
The principle of equal participation declares that the learning processes
of cooperative educational organizations should be organized in a way that enables everybody to access common knowledge. It doesn’t mean that everyone
contributes the same to the common work. It means that everyone contributes
with equal opportunity – in accordance with his/her own abilities and to his/
her place in the process of knowledge acquisition – to the creation of common
knowledge.
The principle of equal participation can realize the democratic principle
of equal opportunity – by means of educational organizations – in practice as
well.
The principle of individual responsibility and accountability
To assure the principle of individual responsibility and accountability,
learning processes must be organized in a way that provides everybody with
an appropriate and clearly defi ned task – in line with his/her requirements and
exigencies –, for which everyone is accountable.
The most important supporters of the principle of individual responsibility and accountability are cooperative roles assigned to and functioning
within a small group.
The principle of permanent cooperative exchanges
Besides the student’s individual responsibility, the principle of permanent cooperative exchanges assures that special attention is paid to the organization of a public sphere of knowledge too.
According to this principle, all feedbacks are helpful to students who are
eager for knowledge. So the feedbacks provided by classmates are as important
as the feedback of the teachers. Exchanges in a small group maintain the possibility of and encourage a value-free public estimation of knowledge, or the
lack thereof.
The principle of consciously developed personal and social competencies
45
The principle of consciously developed personal and social competencies requires an attitude which is indispensable for the effi cient performance
of educational organizations. The basic idea of competence-based development is that everyone has plenty of abilities, which are – independently from
45 Johnson – Johnson – Holubec 1990.; Benda 2002.82
each other – at different levels of progress among students who are eager for
knowledge. For this very reason the starting point must be the condition of
individual competences, and it must be verifi ed by measuring the progress of
abilities, and whether the pedagogical processes have infl uence on the fi elds
needing development.
This principle is in a particular correspondence with the inclusive pedagogical view, which integrates students into the processes of knowledge acquisition together with the complexity of their characters.
As a way of educational organization, cooperative learning can provide
an instrument – based on the basic principles described above – to the real
effi ciency of the inclusive education system – and therefore to the perspective
of multicultural education. This fact is underscored by the comparison made
through the “fi lter” of the three units
46
of high-quality education environments, where cooperative learning compared to traditional methods of educational organizations is:
• more effective, because it guarantees for the highest number of participants to participate in learning processes in a given amount of
time. The effi ciency is also intensifi ed by the fact that this participation does not refer to the possibility of silence, but to active or rather
interactive forms of learning. That is to say that – through the basic
principles and means of cooperative learning – it pays special attention to exploit the maximum of the resources of people participating
in the knowledge acquisition during the learning process – besides
the organizers and administrators – , building on their prior knowledge.
• more successful, because by diverse means of knowledge acquisition
a more profound knowledge built on personal experiences comes
into being, and this also enables the development of individual
talents. Participants of the cooperative learning approach exercise
strategic problem solving abilities, and they develop their personal
and social abilities individually, in relation to and in accordance with
their learning abilities. In addition to this, a multilateral manifestation of the results becomes natural by means of exchanges in a
smaller or bigger group – which is constantly present in the process
of knowledge acquisition – and in the light of the evaluation of the
group and its teachers.
46 Lannert 2004.83
• more equality driven, because through its basic principles, attitudes,
ability models, small group structure and cooperative functions and
means it can really assure the democratic right of equal access to
knowledge for every participant. So it not only establishes the framework of equal opportunity by bringing knowledge through general
and obligatory education to everybody (in a heterogeneous environment, pushing selection into the background), but it also creates real
equal opportunities within this system by paradigmatic transformation of content, whereby the multicultural perspective is enforced by
means of cooperative learning in the way of becoming inclusive.
All in all, we can say that during the process of the practical realization of inclusive educational environments, the basic principles of cooperative
learning must be enforced in more and more segments and among all participants of the educational process. This assures the inclusiveness of education by
practical means in order to enable the implementation of the trilateral requirements of multicultural education in unison (individual successes, survival of
communities and social development).
It is clear that inclusive education – as a general social idea – is interested in the establishment, maintenance and continuous development of an
institution where individual students are successfully integrated by pedagogical
means, and without labelling and categorization. It realizes the basic principles
of democratic societies and serves as a model for social inclusion. Inclusive
– high-quality – educational environments are unthinkable without securing
the multicultural perspective on education, where the inclusive system is made
up of the building blocks of cultural and communal particularities as values,
manifesting themselves in the individuality of students.
Translated by Anna Eszter Zeller84
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Varga Aranka:
Gypsy children in the education – inclusive school based on cooperation
In this paper I argue that during the process of the practical realization of inclusive educational environments, the basic principles of cooperative
learning must be enforced in more and more segments and among all participants of the educational process. This assures the inclusiveness of education by
practical means in order to enable the implementation of the trilateral requirements of multicultural education in unison (individual successes, survival of
communities and social development).
It is clear that inclusive education – as a general social idea – is interested in the establishment, maintenance and continuous development of an
institution where individual students are successfully integrated by pedagogical
means, and without labelling and categorization. It realizes the basic principles
of democratic societies and serves as a model for social inclusion. Inclusive
– high-quality – educational environments are unthinkable without securing
the multicultural perspective on education, where the inclusive system is made
up of the building blocks of cultural and communal particularities as values,
manifesting themselves in the individuality of students.
Translated by Anna Eszter Zeller
Zigeunerkinder in der Schulung: die auf Zusammenarbeit basierende inklusive
Schule
Die Studie gibt eine Zusammenfassung über die Elemente des inklusiven Unterrichtsmodells, bzw. über die Grundsätze der kooperativen Unterricht. Inklusivität spielt während des Erziehungsprozesses eine sehr wichtige
Rolle in der Verwirklichung der drei Erwartungsziele der multikulturellen
Erziehungsanschauung (individuelle Erfolge, Fortbestand der verschiedenen
Gemeinschaften, gesellschaftliche Entwicklung).
Das inklusive Erziehungsmodell (als allgemeines Gesellschaftsideal) ist
in der Ausgestaltung, Unterhaltung und kontinuierlichen Entwicklung solcher
Einrichtungen interessiert, in den sich die Integration der Schüler hinsichtlich
ihrer eigenen Individualität, ohne Kategorisirung verwirklichen kann. Durch
diese Erfahrungen wird die Verwirklichung der Grundsätzen der demokratischen Gesellschaft ermöglicht. Die inklusive (qualitative) Unterrichtsum-88
gebung, in der das inklusive System durch die sich in der Individualität der
Schüler manifestierenden kulturellen und gemeinschaftlichen Eigenschaften
als Wert aufgebaut wird, ist ohne die Akzeptierung der multikulturellen Erziehungsanschauung undenkbar.89
Tibor Cserti Csapó – Spatial-sociological description
of the Roma population in Hungary
The settlement of the Gypsy population in Hungary
Some centuries ago, Gypsy groups in Hungary led a wandering lifestyle,
which was their way of fi nding their role in the social division of labor, always
looking for work opportunities, sources of living currently available for them
in local micro-communities. Consequently, there is no effi cient way of assessing their then spatial distribution. The Habsburg monarchs (Charles VI., Maria
Theresa, Joseph II.), however, had a coherent policy on the Gypsy issues and
aimed at settling these people down, hence making the levying of taxes on
them possible, and at having them gradually adapt to the norms of the majority
society, thus, in the end, at assimilating these communities. The census of 1893
already showed that nine tenth of the Roma in Hungary led a settled life by
then. This way of living became absolutely dominant by the 20th century.
The present study analyzes the spatial distribution of today’s Gypsy
population in Hungary, along with its historical roots and the problems related
to it.
1. Geographical-spatial distribution in Hungary
The distribution of the Roma population within the country’s territory
is not homogenous. It is a historical fact that some areas, regions are characterized by a higher proportion of Gypsy inhabitants. Today’s distribution patterns
have been infl uenced by geographical, economic and social as well as historical
processes. And, even though the great social-economic transformations of the
20th century left their mark on the distribution of this people, as well, as they
induced some typical migration processes with typical directions, this kind of
historical stability is still refl ected in some „classic” regions of settlement.
In the fi rst place, therefore, we are going to look for the reasons why
some regions of Hungary have more Roma inhabitants, both in absolute and in
relative terms, than some other areas where their concentration as compared
to the total population is lower.
However, we are not very likely to fi nd one single factor which could
account for spatial differences on the whole. Various analysts have brought up
a number of different potential explanations for the phenomenon. Chances are
that these factors all had some infl uence, possibly varying in extent by region, 90
and that it is the combination of them which can provide the explanation we
are looking for.
1.1. Factors affecting spatial distribution
1.1.1. Physiographic reasons
a) Antal Hermann, in his analysis of the 1893 census of Gypsies, wrote
that there were two densely populated areas protruding from Transylvania
(Erdély) towards the inner regions of the country. One of them is the northern,
northwestern part of the Great Hungarian Plain (Alföld) in front of the mountain rim, while the other is the southernmost region of the Great Hungarian
Plain directly neighboring Romania and former Serbia. The author gives an
explanation of a physiographic nature for the concentration of Gypsy people
in these areas: according to him, neither the mountains (where making a living
is rather hard) nor the completely fl at plain fi t the Gypsy „nature” in terms of
natural endowments (raw materials needed for traditional Gypsy crafts), the
absence or presence of which explains the settlement patterns of Gypsies.
1.1.2. Social-economic environment
b) Another important factor infl uencing the settling of people is the
social-economic environment. It might have played a role where they could
fi nd a market for the output of their traditional crafts.
c) It is worth mentioning the fact that the various counties and municipalities applied highly differing approaches in implementing the resolutions of
the Habsburg monarchs. Obviously, Roma people always sought for regions
where harassment by local administration was less severe or where the enforcement of those resolutions remained weak.
d) The state and structure of the local economy and the relevant inequalities between the various regions might also have had an effect on settlement. Neither the more advanced state of embourgeoisement, the more
developed industrial and agricultural sector in Northern Transdanubia (ÉszakDunántúl), nor the intense agricultural activities and the puritan lifestyle of local small-holders in the southern part of the Great Hungarian Plain supported
traditional Gypsy crafts, therefore wandering Roma craftsmen avoided these
regions (Pomogyi 1997).
e) The process was further affected by the potential presence of other
minorities and the receptiveness of local inhabitants. Roma people found it
hard to settle down in towns with a German or Southern-Slavic population,
especially because of the very rigid social structure of Germans. Hence one 91
might fi nd a settlement with hardly any Gypsy inhabitants while the neighboring village, with similar geographical endowments, is home to a large number
of Roma. In Somogy county, for example, they constitute only 1.9% of the
population of Csoma, a village previously inhabited by ethnic German people, whereas the equally populated Büssü, originally inhabited by Hungarians,
boasts a 49.3% proportion of Gypsy citizens.
f ) Historical processes, the central government’s approach towards and
measures affecting Gypsies, and the changing tendencies of the social-economic environment had an important role, without a doubt. During the era of
socialist nationality policies, when their isolated gypsy camps on forests’ perimeter were abolished (which began shortly after 1961 as a consequence of the
1961 resolution on the abolishment of settlements not satisfying certain social
requirements, passed by the MSZMP KB (Hungarian Socialist Working People’s Party, Central Committee)), they moved primarily into nearby townships,
predominantly villages. Furthermore, attention must be given to where Gypsy
communities had been moved to by the central administration (predominantly
so-called „dwellings of inferior value” constructed on the outskirts of small
villages, abandoned manor houses, mine camps, military barracks, etc.).
During the 20th century, with traditional Gypsy crafts losing ground,
and especially under the circumstances of socialist industrialization, natural
factors were losing importance. Economic factors and interventions of a political nature, however, began to have an increasingly signifi cant infl uence on
the process of spatial restructuring. Starting in the 1950’s, the enormous demand for unskilled workforce created by fast-paced industrialization and the
construction of industrial cities induced heavy migration towards industrial
regions and towards the capital.
After the political transition, as a result of the collapse of the socialist
industry and soaring unemployment rates, the very opposite happened, and the
Roma started to migrate back to the agricultural regions of the countryside.
1.2. Spatial distribution of the Roma population
Today, some 20% of Gypsies live in the Southern Transdanubian (DélDunántúl) counties (Zala, Somogy, Baranya and less typically Tolna), 51% belong to the north-eastern part of the country (Nógrád, Heves, Borsod-AbaújZemplén, Szabolcs-Szatmár-Bereg and Hajdú-Bihar counties), with nearly 10
percent concentrated in the capital. It is apparent, however, that they are hardly 92
represented in more prosperous regions, such as the counties in Hungary’s
northwestern territories (Cserti Cs. 2006).
The demographic transformation among the Gypsy population following World War II caused a kind of relative overpopulation in the regions traditionally inhabited by Gypsy people. Changes in the social-economic fi eld, at
the same time, also affected the spatial distribution of the group in question.
The restructuring of Hungary’s economy – industrialization, development of
the centers of heavy industry, urbanization process unfolding in the capital, in
politically preferred rural cities and in heavy industrial regions – naturally affected the spatial distribution and the migration patterns of the Roma as well
as those of the country’s entire population. Migration brought about some
shifts in emphasis of their spatial distribution. During the migration process,
the hope for a better living, a better wage or simply for a job were appealing (in
this era of industrialization and huge state-funded investment projects, it was
relatively easy to fi nd a job as an unskilled construction worker). On the other
hand, the economic underdevelopment of rural areas together with the collectivization and mechanization of agriculture acted against Gypsies’ attempts to
enter the wage economy, thus remained a mitigating factor to migration.
The concentrated distribution of the Roma population in today’s Hungary is well illustrated by the fact that 15% of the country’s area is home to 50
percent of all Gypsy inhabitants.93
A nemzetiségi
népesség aránya (%)
– 2,0
2,0 – 10,0
10,0 – 30,0
30,0 – 50,0
50,0 –
Figure 1 Spatial distribution of the Roma population in Hungary
(Source: KSH, data from the Population Census 2001)
Figure 2 Geographical regions of Hungary with the highest proportions of Gypsy
inhabitants
I. Budapest and surroundings
II. Southern Baranya, Ormánság, areas along the river Dráva
III. Zselic, Völgység
IV. Inner Somogy
V. Northern foothills of the Bakony
Proportion of ethnic Roma
population (%)94
VI. Nógrád basin
VII. Cserhát
VIII. Surroundings of Ózd
IX. Aggtelek karst, Szuha Valley
X. Borsod basin, surroundings of Miskolc
XI. Cserehát, Zemplin mountains
XII. Bodrogköz
XIII. Eastern territories of Szabolcs-Szatmár-Bereg county
XIV. Eastern territories of Hajdú-Bihar and Békés counties
XV. Middle-Tisza Region, Jászság
The following map illustrates the general state of Hungary’s micro-regions. It is apparent at fi rst sight that underdeveloped and severely underdeveloped micro-regions (categorized employing a variety of complex indices) overlap with those territories of the country where Gypsies are overrepresented in
the population.
megnevezés
GDP alapján is elmaradott (23)
igen fejletlen (25)
fejletlen (41)
Figure 3 Disadvantaged regions as based on complex indices
(Source: MTA RKK 2002)
disadvantaged based on GDP (23)
severely underdeveloped (25)
underdeveloped (41)95
Lemaradó
Stagnáló
Felzárkózó
Fejlődő
Dinamikusan fejlődő
Figure 4 Development levels of micro-regions as based on complex indices
(Source: KSH 2002)
Looking at employment statistics of Hungarian micro-regions, we fi nd
that the areas with the least favorable labor market characteristics practically
coincide with those where the absolute number and the proportion of the Gypsy population are highest. This indicates a self-fulfi lling process. These parts
of the country have a long history of an unfavorable economic structure and
weak employment fi gures – a fact that encouraged the settling of Roma people, a group of society who had been crowded out of more prosperous regions
where they could not fi nd their place, nor any job opportunities. On the other
hand, the majority of Roma people living in these regions are characterized by
low school qualifi cation levels and low levels of professional skills, thus they
are multiply disadvantaged – in an environment where potential employers are
rather scarce, anyway. As a result, employment fi gures of these micro-regions
are further worsened by the large numbers of hopelessly disadvantaged people
living there.
Backward
Stagnating
Converging
Developing
Dynamically developing96
megnevezés
igen kedvező (22)
kedvező (31)
átlagos (49)
kedvezőtlen (23)
igen kedvezőtlen (13)
Figure 5 Employment / unemployment position of statistical micro-regions
(Source: MTA RKK 2003)
– 4,0
4,1 – 8,0
8,1 – 12,0
12,1 – 16,0
16,1 – 20,0
20,1 –
Figure 6 Registered unemployment rates
(Source: KSH 2004)
The above statement might be supported by our next fi gure which shows
the spatial distribution of economic activities (and hence potential employers)
by micro-region. Disadvantaged, backward regions clearly and signifi cantly
overlap with the territories inhabited by a large numbers of Gypsies.
very favorable (22)
favorable (31)
average (49)
unfavorable (23)
very unfavorable (13)97
Megye
Régió
1 - 3
3 - 4
4 - 6
6 - 11
11 - 607
Figure 7 Spatial density of economic organizations in 2000
(Source: VÁTI 2002)
The comparison of the demographic status of micro-regions to that of
the territories inhabited by the Roma leads to mixed conclusions. Some of the
micro-regions (Northern Hungary) boast much more favorable demographic
fi gures as compared to the total population average. Probably, this is partly
due to the younger age distribution of relatively large local Gypsy populations.
There are some micro-regions representing the total population average in
terms of demographics (primarily in the eastern border region and the Middle
Tisza Region), and some with an unfavorable demographic status (mainly in
Southern Transdanubia and Inner Somogy), where demographic aging, population decrease and the low number of births is most probably related to the
micro-village settlement structure characteristic of the region. In these areas,
the presence and the unique demographic characteristics (as compared to the
majority society) of Roma people are insuffi cient to offset unfavorable demographic processes.
County
Region98
megnevezés
igen kedvező (16)
kedvező (27)
átlagos (39)
kedvezőtlen (34)
igen kedvezőtlen (22)
Figure 8 Demographic status of statistical micro-regions
(Source: MTA RKK 2002)
– 20 000
20 001 – 50 000
50 001 – 100 000
100 001 – 200 000
200 001 – 1 000 000
1 000 001 –
Figure 9 Resident population of micro-regions
(Source: KSH 2004)
The next map demonstrates that the areas inhabited by larger numbers
of Roma people are typically characterized by small settlements, which, again,
is interrelated with the social-economic status and the breakout opportunities of this minority – as the disadvantages in transportation geography of
very favorable (16)
favorable (27)
average (39)
unfavorable (34)
very unfavorable (22)99
these villages inevitably mean an unfavorable economic structure, the lack of
job opportunities and diffi culties in accessing employers in regional centers of
gravity. Furthermore, it means a limited access to educational infrastructure,
to further education, to skills acquisition opportunities, thus maintaining the
socially disadvantaged status caused by low levels of education.
– 2 500
2 501 – 5 000
5 001 – 10 000
10 001 – 20 000
20 001 – 200 000
200 001 –
Figure 10 Average population of Hungarian settlements
(Source: KSH 2004)
– 50
51 – 100
101 – 150
151 – 200
201 – 250
251 –
Figure 11 Population densities in Hungary in 2002
(Source: KSH 2004)100
Regions with unfavorable educational qualifi cation fi gures also appear
to overlap with those having a high proportion of Roma inhabitants. This is
clearly a consequence of Hungarian Roma lagging far behind in terms of educational qualifi cation.
– 8,5
8,6 – 9,0
9,1 – 9,5
9,6 – 10,0
10,1 – 10,5
10,6 –
Figure 12 Average completed years of education amongst the population above the age of 7
(Source: KSH 2004)
Statistics on personal income tax per capita refl ect well on the development level and the economic status of the country’s regions and the living
conditions of local citizens. The areas where the Roma live typically belong
to the lower categories. Which is again an aftermath of the historical underdevelopment and economic backwardness of these territories; exacerbated by
the fact that following the political transition, the vast majority of Hungary’s
Roma population found themselves in an extremely weak position in the labor
market, and hence with very low income levels, acting to further deteriorate
statistical fi gures.101
25 000 – 50 000
50 001 – 75 000
75 001 – 100 000
100 001 – 125 000
125 001 – 150 000
150 001 –
Figure 13 Personal income tax per capita
(Source: KSH, as based on 2004 APEH fi g ures)
200 000 – 300 000
300 001 – 400 000
400 001 – 500 000
500 001 – 600 000
600 001 – 700 000
700 001 –
Figure 14 Income taxed under personal income tax, per permanent resident
(Source: KSH, as based on 2004 APEH fi g ures)
The analysis of living conditions, too, shows the backwardness of regions traditionally inhabited by Gypsies. The share of so-called „full-comfort”
dwellings (dwellings with a room of at least 12 m2
, kitchen, lavatory, public
utilities (electricity, potable water, sewage, hot water and central heating equipment)) is below, while the share of those „without comfort” (dwellings with a 102
room of at least 12 m2
, kitchen, access to outdoor lavatory and potable water,
individual heating equipment) is above the average. The share of dwellings
with access to the public gas distribution network, public potable water supply
and the sewage system is lower.
– 25,0
25,1 – 45,0
45,1 – 55,0
55,1 – 65,0
65,1 – 75,0
75,1 –
Figure 15 Proportion of „full-comfort” dwellings
(Source: KSH 2002)
– 7,0
7,1 – 14,0
14,1 – 21,0
21,1 – 28,0
28,1 – 35,0
35,1 –
Figure 16 Proportion of dwellings „without comfort” in 2002
(Source: KSH)103
– 30,0
30,1 – 50,0
50,1 – 60,0
60,1 – 70,0
70,1 – 80,0
80,1 –
Figure 17 Proportion of dwellings with access to the public gas distribution network in 2004
(Source: KSH)
– 70,0
70,1 – 80,0
80,1 – 85,0
85,1 – 90,0
90,1 – 95,0
95,1 –
Figure 18 Proportion of dwellings with public potable water supply in 2004
(Source: KSH)104
0,0 – 20,0
20,1 – 35,0
35,1 – 50,0
50,1 – 65,0
65,1 – 80,0
80,1 –
Figure 19 Proportion of dwellings on a public sewer system in 2004
(Source: KSH)
The following fi gures imply that the populations of the regions in question traditionally rely on making a living in agriculture while industrial employers are rather infrequent. The share of modern economic sectors (tourism,
for example) is also small.
6,06 – 12,57
12,57 – 20,11
20,11 – 27,62
27,62 – 36,11
36,11 – 50,72
Mezőgazdaságban dolgozók aránya (%-ban)
Figure 20 Proportion of agricultural employees in 2000
(Source: VÁTI Kht as based on KSH fi g ures)
Proportion of agricultural
employees (%)105
17,97 – 24,82
24,82 – 32,79
32,79 – 40,58
40,58 – 50,25
50,25 – 62,84
Iparban dolgozók aránya (%-ban)
Figure 21 Proportion of industrial employees in 2000
(Source: VÁTI Kht as based on KSH fi g ures)
0 – 10
11 – 20
21 – 50
51 – 300
301 – 900
901 –
Figure 22 Commercial accommodation per 1000 inhabitants in 2004
(Source: KSH)
Proportion of industrial
employees (%)106
0,0 – 15,0
15,1 – 30,0
30,1 – 45,0
45,1 – 60,0
60,1 – 75,0
75,1 –
Figure 23 Proportion of foreign guests in 2004
(Source: KSH)
Megye
Szociális segélyben részesítettek száma
0,03 – 0,1 fő/száz lakos
0,1 – 0,25 fő/száz lakos
0,25 – 0,4 fő/száz lakos
0,4 – 0,55 fő/száz lakos
0,55 – 1,2 fő/száz lakos
Figure 24 Number of people on regular social benefi ts per 100 inhabitants in 2000
(Source: VÁTI Kht as based on KSH fi g ures)
NUTS 3 – county
Number of people on social benefi ts
0,03–0,1 people per 100 inhabitants
0,1–0,25 people per 100 inhabitants
0,25–0,4 people per 100 inhabitants
0,4–0,55 people per 100 inhabitants
0,55–1,2 people per 100 inhabitants107
– 15,0
15,1 – 30,0
30,1 – 40,0
40,1 – 50,0
50,1 – 60,0
60,1 –
Figure 25 Rate of violent crime and misdemeanor offenses per 1000 inhabitants in 2004
(Source: KSH)
2. Spatial distribution of the Roma population in Southern Transdanubia
Areas with larger numbers of Gypsy inhabitants in the Southern Transdanubian region are:
a) Areas along the river Dráva: the outskirts of the city of Siklós and
the near vicinity, with a Gypsy population of about 7,000 people. Their average share in the settlements’ total populations is about 20%, yet signifi cantly
higher in some micro-villages. One of the most typical micro-villages, multiply disadvantaged micro-regions in the country. A marked characteristic has
been the migration of Hungarian inhabitants from micro-villages; their place
was taken by Gypsies, though their share of the population in these areas (e.g.
Ormánság) had been rather low previously.
b) Zselic-Hegyhát: another micro-village region, heavily hit by demographic erosion, with some 6,500 Roma inhabitants, constantly increasing due
to new families moving in. The agriculture-based local economy is unable to
completely absorb the supply of workforce, therefore the number of commuters to nearby cities is high.
c) Inner Somogy: basically, an agricultural area relatively poor in natural
resources, its industrial and tertiary sectors are in an underdeveloped state. 108
Roma population amounts to about 7,500 – dispersed throughout the region.
The two major commuter cities (Nagyatád and Marcali) are unable to provide
employment for all of them, therefore the share of people commuting to other
regions is high (Kocsis − Kovács 1991).
d) Balaton hinterland area
100 – 50
20 – 49,9
10 – 19,9
5 – 9,9
1 – 4,9
0 – 0,9
Figure 26 Settlement of the Roma population in Southern Transdanubia
(Source: Magyarország Nemzeti Atlasza by Kocsis K.)
As for Baranya, we can conclude that it is a county with a particularly
high share of Roma population. The inhabitants of Alsószentmárton are all
Gypsies, and there are several more settlements where the Roma constitute the
majority, in addition to some 70 settlements where the share of Gypsies in the
total population reaches or exceeds 20%.
Out of the 301 settlements in the county, 200 have a total population
below 500. The vast majority of Gypsies settled in this county – apart from 109
the county seat – live in these micro-villages. This fact alone means social
disadvantages, thus if we also consider that the Beas constitute some 90% of
the county’s total Roma population, we clearly have to count them as multiply
disadvantaged.
There are no geographically determined, distinguishable, uniform Gypsy settlement areas in Baranya county – the Roma live dispersed, together with
the other ethnic groups. Gypsies have been living in 259 settlements of the
county; the number of settlements with at least 100 Roma inhabitants rose
from 36 in 1970 to 41 by 1980. The latter fi gure constitutes 16% of the total
number of the county’s settlements. In 1980, there were two settlements with
the share of Roma inhabitants above 50% (thus in majority), and 33 settlements reported a proportion somewhere between 25–50%. The decrease in
non-Gypsy population was highest in the villages where the number of Gypsies increased above the average. In the majority of settlements with Roma
inhabitants, there are Vlach Gypsies as well as Beas Gypsies (Hoóz 1991).
3. Distribution of the Roma population by settlement type
The census of 1893 reported 13.3% of the Roma population to have
lived in cities, with the remaining 86.7% living in rural areas. The historical
and economic processes we reviewed earlier not only caused changes in spatial
distribution, but the proportion of Gypsies living in cities has been constantly
increasing, as well. The most important factors fostering Gypsies’ migration to
the cities were the industrialization and urbanization processes of the socialist
era, and the attempts to abolish gypsy camps (the latter, though not solving the
problem of „ghettos”, began to turn some of the suburbs and poorish downtown districts of cities into slums by driving large groups of Gypsies towards
these areas). As a consequence, fi gures show the following changes: a 1971
study by Kemény report a 22% share of cities in Gypsies’ place of residence.
By 1986, urban population reached 41.1%, with 58.9% in rural areas. This was
still behind the average Hungarian urbanization level (58.9% share of urban
population), and it has not improved since then, as some 63% of the total Hungarian population now live in urban areas.
Differences appear to be even more signifi cant if the smallest settlements are considered when analyzing the distribution by settlement type of
the Roma and the non-Roma population. The share of total population living in settlements with less than 2,000 residents is 16.8%, whereas the same
proportion for the Roma amounts to a stunning 40%; the fi gures are 7.8% 110
and 20%, respectively, for settlements with less than 1,000 residents. In typical micro-village regions (Northern Hungary, Southern Transdanubia and the
eastern territories, where Szabolcs-Szatmár-Bereg is the only county with a
larger number of villages inhabited by less than 1,000 people), the share of
those living in micro-villages is even higher (Havas 1999b). Thus the Roma
population can typically be found in the rural areas of Hungary.
Total population (%) Roma (%)
Budapest 19.5 9.1
Rural cities 42.5 30.4
Settlements 38.0 60.5
Settlements with less than 2,000
inhabitants
16.8 40.0
Settlements with less than 1,000
inhabitants
7.8 20.0
of which:
– micro-villages in Southern
Transdanubia
20.9 52.5
– micro-villages in northern regions 12.1 22.9
– micro-villages in eastern regions 5.2 16.2
Figure 27 Distribution of total population vs. the Roma by settlement type
(Source: Havas 1999b)
In areas traditionally inhabited by the Roma, the share of urban resident
Roma is still lower than the relevant country-wide average (15.3% in SzabolcsSzatmár-Bereg county, 15.5% in Heves county and 26.4% in Baranya county),
which also implies that the Roma who had left their place of birth in the past
primarily chose large cities and industrial centers outside their own county as
their new home (Kocsis − Kovács 1999).
The situation in Baranya county is very similar. While the share of urban residents among the total Roma population was 13.3%, as stated in the
fi rst Roma census of 1893, this ratio increased to 41.1% by 1986. In Baranya
county, the fi gure was 26.4% in 1986, however, there were only seven cities
in the county at that time – now, there are twelve: Pécs, Pécsvárad, Komló,
Mohács, Sellye, Siklós, Szentlőrinc, Szigetvár, Bóly, Harkány, Sásd and Villány.
Out of the 653 settlements in Baranya, 32 became cities while 621 are categorized as settlements. Data suggest that the share of Roma among the population of settlements in this region is above the country’s average.
From among the 4,699 persons reporting Gypsy to be their mother
tongue in the 1980 census, 3,356 (71%) lived in settlements. Based on the com-111
plementary data collected at the same time, 20,416 persons were considered as
Roma, and 15,600 of them (76%) lived in settlements (Hoóz 1991).
Before the era of industrialization, the majority of Beas in Southern
Transdanubia lived in forest camps, primarily assigned to them by or occupied
with the consent of the manor court, doing logging work and, in addition, taking advantage of the vicinity of parklands needed for their tub-making activities (Szuhay 1997). This traditional structure was eroded by traditional Gypsy
crafts losing ground along with an enormous demand for unskilled workforce
generated by the industrialization of the country, and by the socialist regime’s
aspiration to abolish Gypsy camps. Industrial centers having been rather far
from their original habitation, a strong wave of commuter traffi c was generated. Those industrial regions, however, where Gypsies found stable and fi xed
employment, started to be inhabited by families moving in from the camps,
trying to avoid having to live far from each other for longer periods of time,
which was actually an inevitable part of commuters’ life (Szuhay 1997).
This was a period of signifi cant changes in the spatial distribution of
the Roma population, affecting industrial cities in the fi rst place, leaving rural
areas basically unaffected (Szuhay 1997).
Gypsies living in camps have always had the intention of moving into
the villages. In the case of more prosperous settlements, however, opposition
from original inhabitants was not the only obstacle: relatively high land and
house prices were just as important. In the 1980’s, therefore, the former inhabitants of camps had a tendency of moving to the stagnating, and even more
to the backward villages with decreasing populations (Szuhay 1997). Another
possibility was to move to the deteriorating parts of settlements. Thus, camps
remained untouched or were simply moved within the village.
4. Migration processes
Notwithstanding our above statements on the spatial distribution of the
Roma and the changes thereof, the traditional geographical distribution of the
Gypsy population has not changed too much. The majority still lives in Northern Hungary, the northern part of the Great Hungarian Plain and in Southern
Transdanubia, just like during the preceding centuries. Data rather suggest that
we should focus on the changes in proportions within these regions.
Comparing the data on spatial distribution contained in the 1893 census
with those of today, Southern Transdanubian counties jumped forward in the
„ranking” of areas most inhabited by Gypsies, indicating that these areas re-112
ceived signifi cant numbers of Roma immigrants of Romanian mother tongue
at about the turn of the century and afterwards (Havas 1999). Later, intracountry migration patterns further strengthened this process.
Percentage of
population
Great
Hungarian
Plain
Northern
Hungary
Pest county Transdanubia
1893 1.3 1.8 0.4 0.8
1984 4.1 8.2 2.4 3.0
Percentage of
Roma population in
Hungary
1893 43 22 6 28
1984 29 27 18 23
Figure 28 The proportion of Roma population by region, in percentage of total population
and in percentage of the Roma population of Hungary
(Source: Kocsis 1989)
While at the end of the 19th century, half of the Roma population
lived on the Great Hungarian Plain, this fi gure dropped to about one third
by the 1980’s, thus the Plain lost in signifi cance among the regions inhabited
by Roma. Their absolute number in this region, however, increased, it was
only their share in Hungarian Roma population which declined. Migration
fl ows started off from the (primarily rural) areas of Szabolcs-Szatmár-Bereg
county and Borsod-Abaúj-Zemplén county, heading towards Budapest and the
cities in Borsod-Abaúj-Zemplén county and Hajdú-Bihar county. The share
of Northern Hungary in the total Roma population constantly increased up
until the end of the 1980’s (the decline of heavy industries). At the same time,
Northern Hungary, too, is characterized by a high rate of natural population
growth, thus the number of Gypsies living there has been and is constantly
increasing. The situation is similar in the region of Hungary’s capital, as well.
The constant growth in population was accompanied by the increase of their
share within the total Roma population until the 1990’s. The last decade of
the 20th century, though, witnessed a turnaround and the Roma in the capital
now represent a lower percentage of the total Gypsy population of Hungary.
The share of Transdanubia has been permanently decreasing. Increasing population but a decreasing share in total Roma population is characteristic for
Southern Transdanubia, while in Western Transdanubia the relevant proportion increased, as well. These fi gures, however, only indicate some shifts in the 113
spatial distribution of the Roma, whereas the actual size of the population has
been constantly growing in each mentioned region. Inter-county migration,
however, was lower from Southern Transdanubia, Gypsies rather moved to
large cities and socialist industrial centers of the same region.
Details of these shifts in distribution are refl ected in county-level data.
In the 1893 census, the fi ve counties with the largest number of Gypsy inhabitants, in ascending order, were: 1. Borsod-Abaúj-Zemplén, 2. Szabolcs-SzatmárBereg, 3. Jász-Nagykun-Szolnok, 4. Bács-Kiskun, 5. Baranya. By 1984, the list
showed some changes: 1. Borsod-Abaúj-Zemlén, 2. Szabolcs-Szatmár-Bereg,
3. Győr-Moson-Sopron, 4. Baranya, 5. Pest. When considering the share of
Roma as compared to the total populat ion of each county in 1983: 1. Szabolcs-Szatmár-Bereg, 2. Borsod-Abaúj-Zemplén, 3. Nógrád, 4. Heves, while in
1984: 1. Borsod-Abaúj-Zemplén, 2. Nógrád, 3. Szabolcs-Szatmár-Bereg, 4.
Somogy, 5. Baranya. The increase in comparison to 1978 was most marked
in the counties Borsod and Zala, and Budapest. Gypsy population growth
in Szabolcs-Szatmár-Bereg, Jász-Nagykun-Szolnok and Baranya slowed down,
Győr-Moson-Sopron and Tolna even witnessed a decrease in absolute terms
(Kocsis 1989). Analyses by István Kemény et al. indicate similar tendencies
(Kemény 1997).
Gypsy population
In percentage of
Hungarian Roma
In percentage of
total population
1971 1993 2003 1971 1993 2003 1971 1993 2003
Northern
Hungary
65000 114000 183000 20.4 24.3 32.1 6.5 9 –
Eastern
Hungary
74000 93000 112000 23.0 19.8 19.7 5 7 –
Southern
territories
of the Great
Hungarian
Plain
51000 56000 54000 16.0 12.0 9.4 3 3.5 –
Budapest 61000 85000 101000 19.0 18.2 17.8 2 4.5 –
Southern
Transdanubia
64000 107000 100000 20.0 22.8 17.5 4 7 –
Western
Hungary
5000 13000 20000 1.4 2.9 3.5 1.3 4 –
Total 320000 468000 570000 99.8 100.0 100.0 3 5 6
Figure 29 Gypsy population in Hungary by region
(Source: Kemény 1997)114
Proportion
of Roma
population to
total Roma
population of
Hungary
Roma population (persons)
Proportion of
Roma population
( percentage)
2003
47
1893
48
1978
49
1984
50
1993
51
2003
52
1893 1978 1984 2003
Budapest 10.4 cc. 60 0 30 0 0 0 41 337 38 450 60 0 0 0 0.12 1.40 2 .90 3.5
Baranya 5.1 3 978 22 0 0 0 23 495 16 955 2890 0 1.32 5.0 0 5.43 7.1
BácsK iskun
2.0 4 446 10 000 10 200 14 043 11500 1.14 1.70 1.81 2.0
Békés 7.6 3 817 9 0 0 0 9 896 6 226 4330 0 1.07 2 .10 2 .31 10.9
BorsodAbaújZemplén
17.5 8 698 65 000 73 906 54 599 99300 2.13 6.80 9.23 13.3
Csong rád 2 .8 2 878 6 0 0 0 7 360 6 684 1580 0 0.88 1.40 1.62 3.7
Fejér 3.1 2 076 5 0 0 0 6 214 7 743 1780 0 0.90 1.30 1.47 3.7
GyőrMosonSopron
2 .1 2 0 5 2 4 0 0 0 3 8 8 0 1 3 2 6 119 0 0 0 .7 2 0 . 8 0 0 . 9 0 2 .7
Hajdú-Bihar 5.5 3 680 17 000 21 990 44 200 31300 1.14 3.10 3.98 5.7
Heves 9.2 3 255 17 0 0 0 18 013 26 975 520 0 0 1.43 5.0 0 5.20 16.0
JászNagykunSzolnok
4.5 5 125 21 000 21 815 12 977 25700 1.50 4.80 4.94 6.1
KomáromEsztergom
0.6 1 501 6 000 6 765 4 974 3500 0.63 1.90 2.09 1.1
Nóg rád 5.5 2 356 16 0 0 0 17 665 24 163 3130 0 1.67 6.40 7.45 14.2
Pest 3.6 3 456 20 0 0 0 22 119 12 478 2040 0 0.87 2 .10 2 .25 1.9
Somogy 5.2 2 111 20 000 20 548 25 384 29600 0.73 5.40 5.75 8.8
SzabolcsSzatmárBereg
6.6 8 331 36 0 0 0 41 770 49 515 3850 0 2 .53 7.0 0 7.13 6.6
Tolna 2 .1 1 995 11 0 0 0 10 396 9 584 1190 0 0.77 4.10 3.88 4.8
Vas 1.3 2 065 6 000 6 614 4 041 7500 0.95 2.10 2.33 1.8
Veszprém 2 .8 1 417 7 0 0 0 7 030 4 215 1580 0 0.55 1.60 1.80 4.2
Zala 2.3 1 111 6 000 8 987 29 163 13300 0.47 2.50 2.84 4.5
Tot al 10 0 64 948 325 0 0 0 380 0 0 0 393 715 570 0 0 0 1.08 3.04 3.56 6.0
Figure 30 Distribution of the Roma in Hungary by county, and changes thereof from 1893
474849505152
An increasing number of Gypsy communities began to appear in the
cities – the Roma, previously typically found in rural areas, turned towards
urban territories. The role of Hungary’s capital increased markedly. In the end
of the 19th century, Budapest and Pest county together represented some 6%
of the Roma population. Their share grew to 20% by the 1990’s. The Roma
47 Kemény, István et al. 2004.
48 Data from the Roma Census of 1893.
49 Estimates from County Councils.
50 Estimates from County Councils.
51 A cigányság helyzete, életkörülményei. KSH 1994.
52 Kemény, István et al. 2004.115
population of the capital was about 600 people in 1893, an estimate of 30,000
was reported in 1978, and data from 1984 center about 41,000. Today, their
number might be somewhere between 80–100,000, nearly 20% of all Hungarian Roma (Kocsis 1996).
In the years following the political transition, the cities, county seats
and the Budapest agglomeration remained primary migration destinations for
the Roma.
In the cities, and in Budapest as well, they could settle in neighborhoods/districts which were abandoned by their former inhabitants, primarily
the more well-off communities (Józsefváros, Kőbánya, Pesterzsébet). They
moved into gradually deteriorating apartment houses, starting off the process
which has more or less turned these areas into slums by now. During the era of
socialist housing estates projects – along with the government’s inclination to
abolish slums and Gypsy camps − large numbers of Gypsies moved into housing estates in the cities. After the resolution restricting people from settling
in the capital had taken effect, migration to Budapest came to a halt, and the
Roma population of the suburbs and the settlements surrounding the capital
started to grow rapidly, too. It is characteristic of the process of concentration
is that a large number of those who were unable to leave rural areas right in
the beginning became commuters (on a daily, weekly or, in the case of some
more distant places of work, on a monthly basis; primarily from counties in the
southern part of the country). If they managed to „take roots” in the city after
a while, their family and relatives also started to move in soon.
Béla Janky based his analyses of the migration patterns of the Gypsy
population on the 1993–1994 Gypsy study of István Kemény, Gábor Havas
and Gábor Kertesi. Data in the following table suggests that Roma are characterized by a higher willingness to migrate as compared to the total population
of Hungary. This might have a variety of causes.
The probability of leaving one’s hometown because of marriage is higher in villages (due to the relatively small population, the chance of fi nding a
spouse from somewhere else is higher). The share of Roma living in villages is,
however, much higher than that of the total population (Janky 1999).
Migration rates/mobility is higher amongst the youth. The Roma population, at the same time, is of a much younger age structure than non-Roma
groups, which might also be a factor acting to increase Gypsy migration rates.116
Year Total population Roma population
1988–1992, average 19.3 25.0
1990 20.2 32.6
1992 19.5 21.7
Figure 31 Rate of permanent migrations per 1,000 inhabitants, in the age group of 15 and
above, total population vs. Roma population
(Source: Janky 1999)
Yet, at the same time, there is no sign that the Roma would leave their
place of birth during their lifetime more or maybe less frequently than average.
Looking at the data by age group – which seems reasonable, as there might be
a high number of Roma who have not left their place of residence yet, because
of the lower average age of this ethnic group – we do not see a signifi cant difference in frequency of migration as compared to the population average.
Age group Total population (1996) Roma population (1993)
15–39 years 60.9 60.2
40–59 years 43.4 48.1
Above 60 years 42.9 43.0
Tota l 50.9 56.0
Figure 32 Proportion of those living at the same place of residence as at the time of birth by
age group, Roma population vs. total population
(Source: Janky 1999)
The same data arranged by settlement type show that the Gypsy living in settlements demonstrate a lower rate of moving, while urban dwellers’
fi gures practically coincide with those of the total population. It is striking,
however, how much the Gypsies living in Budapest hang on to Budapest.
Place of residence at
the time of birth
Total population (1996) Roma population (1993)
Settlement 47.7 54.3
City 62.5 61.5
Budapest 39.2 89.4
Figure 33 Percentage share of those at or above the age of 15 living at the same place of
residence as at the time of birth by settlement type, Roma population vs. total population
(Source: Janky 1999)
The share of migrations from Budapest among all migrations is twice
as high for the total population as for the Roma. Migrations between villages, however, occur twice as frequently among the Roma as among the total
population. Although if one takes into consideration the differences in the 117
distribution of the two populations by settlement type (the higher share of
Gypsies living in rural areas and the higher share of the total population living
in Budapest), differences in the rate of migrations between settlement types
disappear.
Place of residence at the
time of birth
Total population, at or
above the age of 0
Gypsies, at or above the
age of 15
(orientation) Percentage of total migrations
Budapest › city 4.4 1.8
Budapest › village 6.1 3.6
City › Budapest 5.5 4.4
Cit y › cit y 12 .7 4.2
City › village 20.7 17.5
Village › Budapest 6.0 8.7
Village › city 21.0 17.0
Village › village 23.6 42.8
Tota l 100.0 100.0
Figure 34 Orientation of permanent migrations between settlement types among the total
population vs. Roma population (1988-1992)
(Source: Janky 1999)
As for the share of intra-county and inter-county migrations among
all migrations, about two thirds of Gypsy migrants remain within the same
county, thus the relative distance to the new place of residence is lower. This
fi gure amounts to approximately 55% among the total population.
Percentage proportion of intra-county migrations
among all migrations
1988 1989 1990 1991 1992 Avg.
Total population
(at or above the age
of 0)
55.3 55.6 55.0 54.3 51.7 54.4
Roma population
(at and above the
age of 15)
69.1 66.9 70.4 68.0 66.1 68.1
Figure 35 Percentage proportion of intra-county migrations among all migrations, total
population vs. Roma population
(Source: Janky 1999)
No large wave of inter-regional migrations exists among the Roma. The
majority of migrants (typically not more than 2 or 3 percent of total population
in any given year) remain within the same county. Still, a slow fl ow towards
Budapest and the Western territories might be observed (Janky 1999).118
Janky also analyzed the migration rates of the 1970’s, but he could not
fi nd any signifi cant differences between the two populations, nor their migration tendencies (Janky 1999).
On the other hand, a relatively small difference in the age structure of
the Beas and that of other Gypsy groups was detected by Janky. The Beas were
characterized by a slightly older age structure than the rest of the Gypsy population. Janky reasoned that the tendency of „Hungarization” is much stronger
amongst the Beas, which clearly affects younger generations to a larger extent,
thus the age structure of those with Beas as their mother tongue will necessarily become older (Janky 1999).
Janky also made some interesting conclusions about migration patterns
by mother tongue. There were signifi cant differences between the Beas and
the other Gypsy groups in the number of previous places of residence, but the
characteristics of those with Romani as their mother tongue were different
from those of Hungarian-speaking Gypsies, too.
Beas Hungarian Romani Total
Unchanged (%) 37.5 56.1 52.3 54.9
Has moved (%) 62.5 43.9 47.7 45.1
Total (%) 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0
Figure 36 Comparison of place of residence at the time of birth and at the time of data
collection (1993) by mother tongue
(Source: Janky 1999.)
Yet, there were not much more Beas having moved to another county or
region than as compared to other Gypsy groups. Thus, they are also primarily
characterized by intra-county migration.
Beas Hungarian Romani Total
Unchanged (%) 86.5 83.1 78.7 83.1
Has moved (%) 13.5 16.9 21.3 16.9
Total (%) 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0
Figure 37 Comparison of county of residence at the time of birth and at the time of data
collection (1993) by mother tongue
(Source: Janky 1999)119
5. Segregation
Along with migration, it is inevitable to mention the process of segregation (settling in separate places) as a factor dramatically worsening the living
conditions of the Roma.
Segregation, as far as rural/urban sociology is concerned, denotes the
phenomenon of the residential (spatial) separation of the various social groups.
The area, settlement or district where a specifi c type of population is concentrated, gradually separates from the totality of remaining settlements or the
remaining districts of the city both in spatial terms and in terms of sociology.
Social distance, hence, turns into spatial distance.
Thus segregation is the spatial separation of social layers, the over-representation of a given layer in the social structure of a given district or region,
as compared to the share of that layer in the total population of the city or the
country. Segregation, by enlarging pre-existing differences in socio-structural
status, brings about social disadvantages and solid differences in residential
conditions and standards of living (Farkas 1996).
The Roma in Hungary have always been characterized by a tendency
of settling down in separated areas – because of the social distance between
the Roma and the non-Roma ethnic groups and the closed, inward nature of
their communities, which again was a result of the prejudice and the offenses
against them.
As early as in the resolutions of Maria Theresa, the settling of Gypsies in
ghetto-like, segregated areas was prohibited. Nonetheless, it was this era when
Gypsy camps began to gain ground – a process that is still going on. (The 1779
census reports only one camp in Somogy county, whereas by the beginning of
the 20th century, there were more than a hundred of them.)
According to the 1893 census, in nearly 40% of Hungarian settlements,
the permanently settled Roma population lived dispersed among non-Roma
inhabitants (not separated), with a share of 64% living in houses. These indicate a certain degree of integration
53
(Pomogyi 1995).
Residential segregation is estimated to have grown to 90% by the fi rst
half of the 1900’s (Csalog 1997).
53 A Magyarországon 1893. január 31-én végrehajtott czigányösszeírás eredményei. Magyar
Statisztikai Közlemények, Új folyam, IX. kötet. 1895.120
Camps, however, are only one form of residential segregation. A broader
problem is the so-called „ghetto-issue”, several types of which were described
by Zsolt Csalog (1997):
• It was a frequent spontaneous phenomenon from the 19th century
on that Gypsies concentrated in a given street of a settlement (for
example Csurgó).
• Efforts for the abolishment of the camps often resulted in the birth
of very similar residential patterns – the cheapest, technically most
outdated streets and areas became ghettos of a more and more homogenous population (e.g. Siklós).
• The abolishment of Gypsy camps often remained a formality; inhabitants were assigned emergency dwellings in former military
barracks or the servants’ quarters of abandoned manor houses (e.g.
Kaposvár).
• Even though the resolution of 1964 required former camp residents
to be settled dispersed among the population, this was largely ignored in practice. The so-called „CS” (referring to „csökkentett
színvo nalú”, meaning „of inferior quality”) constructions were completed in closed units on the edges of the settlements, offi cially justi-
fi ed by saving in some ancillary costs.
• The newest form of segregation is the process of spontaneous „Gypsyization” in today’s micro-village regions (Csalog 1997). This process will be discussed in detail below.
One might observe that recent decades have witnessed a constant fl ow
of Gypsies from the camps to inner areas of the settlements, which trend,
however, has more recently been slowed down by migration fl ows of a similar
extent in the opposite direction (Janky 1999). The former process was fostered
by the socialist campaign of the 1960’s for the abolishment of Gypsy camps.
These efforts, and most signifi cantly the family home building programme
built on interest-free loans, indeed yielded some results, but the reproduction
of camp lifestyle is still going on. Many camps were largely abandoned, on the
one hand as a result of the loan programme and, on the other hand, owing to
the economic boom unfolding in the end of the 1960’s, but also because of better job opportunities. However, new camps came to life, as well (Berey 1991).
The abolishment of camps became topical in the beginning of the 1960’s.
Within the framework of the comprehensive political reform concept, the fi rst
15-year housing development plan was developed, the passing of which was 121
shortly followed by the 1961 resolution of the MSZMP on the abolishment
of settlements not satisfying certain social requirements. Relevant time series
data from housing records suggest that the programme must have been an
enormous success. In 1964, a total of 48,966 affected dwellings were recorded,
whereas the number of dwellings in camps to be abolished appears to have
dropped to 6,277 by 1984, with the population of these dwellings recorded
as 222,160 and 42,066 people, respectively. The truth, however, was by far
gratifying. A camp, for the purposes of the resolution in question, was defi ned
as a spatially separated area with at least four dwellings not meeting relevant
social requirements. Thus statistics did not account for the totality of socially
unacceptable dwellings: what they included – and hence, what the measures
targeted – was the most apparent, spatially concentrated form of this phenomenon only (Berey 1991).
The 1980’s already witnessed a widespread decline in the construction
and housing sector, the constructions of camp residents were also slowing
down; in a number of areas the abolishment of camps came to a halt or even
reversed. Construction rates began to decrease.
• The wages of camp residents could not keep in line with increasing
construction material prices. Saving for a home loan downpayment
became diffi cult.
• With real estate prices on the rise, loan amounts more and more frequently proved out to be insuffi cient to pay for a dwelling (even for
one in a less favorable technical condition).
• The re-settling of the ever increasing number of those below or
above working age and of old, ill inhabitants, who did not have any
k ind of fi nancial background. Local councils did not have the material resources to solve these housing issues, and a portion of those
affected was reluctant to give up their everyday environment and
move to some other place.
• Dwellings in the camps could not be demolished as they were usually inhabited by more than one family, and not all of them could
take part in the relevant programmes. Thus by the beginning of the
1980’s, efforts for the abolishment of Gypsy camps ran into a deadlock in the entire country.
What is more, the process induced by successful re-settling projects must
not be considered as a clearly positive one. The moving of Gypsies from their
camps into abandoned rural dwellings had fatal consequences for the everyday 122
life and the local society of affected settlements, as it did not only increase the
tension between the two ethnic groups but it also set into motion an erosion of
the housing markets of villages large enough in extent to turn the pre-existing
selective migration trends of disadvantaged settlements into a wave of people
running away from these villages (Kocsis – Kovács 1999). To make things
worse, these measures even failed in abolishing the phenomenon of Gypsy
camps and in prohibiting their reproduction. According to Zsolt Csalog (1997),
a 40% share of today’s Gypsy population live in classic Gypsy camps, while
more than 70% are estimated to be subject to residential segregation.
The migration fl ows of Gypsies to the cities during the decades of socialism seemed to be slowing down in the 1980’s as a result of the then visible
signs of an economic crisis and with preferences shifting away from previously
glorifi ed socialist industrial cities, and another migration process in the opposite direction, towards the rural areas appeared to unfold.
In recent decades, Gypsy population most markedly grew in the disadvantaged, stagnating, secluded areas of the country, typically characterized by
a micro-village settlement structure, with weak administrative, commercial,
cultural functions and bad infrastructural and communal conditions, and in
backward industrial regions (Cserti Cs. − Forray 1998).
In these disadvantaged regions, a certain process of „ethnic homogenization” already started before the years of the political transition, however, the
1990’s witnessed an acceleration of this process. This has been particularly apparent in multiply disadvantaged micro-villages. Young, able-to-work, socially
more mobile members of the population are leaving these aging villages for
large cities with more favorable conditions, and the worthless houses of these
abandoned villages are getting occupied by social groups of deteriorating social conditions, who lost their grounds and their living elsewhere – for example
Gypsies. In former socialist industrial cities, the majority of job opportunities
suitable for the unskilled, unqualifi ed workforce disappeared during the years
of the political transition. For them, it is still easier to fi nd a secure livelihood
in villages, where the conditions for household food production and collection
are given.
These disadvantaged villages, however, constitute the end station of geographical mobility, a kind of dead end street – social rise is nearly impossible.
The chances of labor market integration, of acquiring a job are very low – just
think of their distance from potential employers, the disadvantages in terms of 123
transportation geography and the costs of commuting to cities with potential
job opportunities (Cserti Cs. 2000).
Employment in these areas is very low, and because of the lack of infrastructure and capital infl ow, there is no hope for improvement in the short run.
A characteristic of these multiply disadvantaged groups of Gypsies is, furthermore, the disastrous housing conditions, clearly apparent in terms of hygiene,
health and lifestyle, as well. These latter accompanying symptoms again hinder
the acquisition of a job.
It is a typical process that Gypsies concentrate, or their share of the
population increases signifi cantly, in settlements where social-economic development has come to a halt, the original population is aging or is „voting
with their feet” and, if possible, move to settlements with better endowments,
better opportunities and promising a better quality of life. Our case studies
detected this phenomenon in all three settlements. The high share of Roma in
the population means the concentration of poverty in these settlements – as it
is a result of the moving in or the staying of the „outcast”. Ethnic tensions and
social tensions disguised as ethnic tensions further worsen the situation (Bíró
et al. 1998).
The appearance, the gaining ground and the population growth of the
Gypsy in villages, therefore, is a function of the economic and social status of
those villages, and, thus, it might be interpreted as an outcome of a process
(Szuhay 1997). Residents’ attitude towards the „Gypsyization” of villages is
related to the population retaining ability and the economic opportunities of
those settlements (Szuhay 1997).
Families unable to leave segregation behind will not be able to assimilate, either, and assimilated families hit by segregation in their place of residence will dissimilate (Csalog 1997).
The public image of a district does indeed infl uence migration processes; the succession of some settlements was observed to have accelerated
when changes in the public image of that area occurred.
Members of a given social layer tend to appear dispersedly at fi rst, later
moving in in ever increasing waves. Simultaneously, original inhabitants slowly
start to move out of the area, and the process later speeds up and turns into
a kind of escape. During the process, a so-called „clip-point” might be determined, where there is a sudden turn in the proportions of the two different
population groups. The phenomenon was studied on the appearance of people 124
of color in large American cities, yet the process can be generalized and applied
to the process of Roma people replacing non-Roma people in Hungarian villages or some urban areas. First, when the share of low-status residents reaches
5%, house prices in the area begin to sink as a result. Original residents still tolerate a 5 to 25% share of newcomers, but if their proportion exceeds this „clippoint”, the original population starts to fl ee in panic, they sell their homes and
the resulting devaluation of dwellings further accelerates the infl ow of poorer
groups (Cséfalvai 1994). The very same process took place among Hungarian
settlements. In 1994, the number of settlements with the proportion of Roma
above 8% was already 675. The fi gure was above 25% in 94 of them, and in 9
settlements, the Roma constituted the majority (Kocsis 1996).
In recent decades, Gypsy migration into some of the capital’s districts
(districts 6 to 9) has accelerated to a similar degree. By 1986, a stunning 47% of
Budapest’s Roma population already lived in these areas. The share of Roma
children in primary education was 2.7% in 1971, whereas it climbed to 8.3% by
1986 in these areas. The then 3.5% Roma population in these districts induced
a strong ghettoization process, and its continuing growth causes even more
severe social and ethnic tensions (Ladányi 1993). The Hungarian population
seems to be even less tolerant to Gypsies as were the original inhabitants of
American cities to people of color in the above example.
In line with the Roma-populated rural areas of Baranya county, Somogy county has also been suffering from a process of spontaneous segregation, the majority of settlements has been homogenizing in terms of ethnicity
at a constantly increasing rate. In Somogy, the 1990 census already reported
the number of settlements with a Roma population of 15% or above to have
climbed to 16 – and all of them were villages from the above category.
Translated by Márk Palotás125
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1895
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Cserti Csapó Tibor
Területi-szociológiai jellemzés a magyarországi cigány népesség körében
A cigányság megoszlása az ország területen belül nem egyenletes. Tanulmányunkban a mai magyarországi cigányság területi elhelyezkedését, ennek
történetiségét, problematikáját elemezzük.
Territorial – sociological report on Gypsy population in Hungary
Distribution of gypsy ont he territory of the country is not equable.
Since long time the preferred particular parts of Hungary and not preferred the
others. And it is a historical difference in contcentration. Among the reasons
we can fi nd reasons of the natural environment (they preferred those landscapes, where the found raw materials for the traditional gypsy works, and of
corse found market for they products). We can fi nd social-economical reasons:
they could fi nd the holes of the division of labour int he low developed parts of
the country. The gypsies moved there, where the local government was more
indulgent with them. They migrated there, where the local society was more
hostly, fi rst of all the other minority communities of the country were the most
belligerent and the hungarians lived villages were the most tolerant.
Nowadays about 20 percentage of gypsies live in Southern-Transdanubien (in counties Somogy, Baranya, Zala and Tolna), 51 percentage int he
Northern and Eastern part of Hungary (in counties Nógrád, Heves, BorsodAbaúj-Zemplén, Szabolcs-Szatmár-Bereg and Hajdú-Bihar) and 10 percentage
of gypsies live int he area of the capital.
The most of these ranges are economically undeveloped, there are no
working places, high the rates of unemployment. These parts of the country
are represented with little villages and the little village means bad working
possibilities, bad traffi c connections to the working places of the center areas.
Means low sallary, hard availibility of the education system so conservated the
low qualifi cation grade of the population who live there. In these areas we can
fi nd bad life circumstances (etc. low comfort of the fl ats).
In addition the gypsy population live int he parts of the contry separately, segregated from manor society because of the preconceptions, prejudices of
majority. They live in separate gypsy villages, or far from the villages in empty
military buildings, in empty manor houses, etc. Int he settlements they live in
apart streets, in separated districts.128
