Historical and Ethnographic Backgraund: Gypsies, Roma, Sinti

Historical and Ethnographic Backgraund: Gypsies, Roma, Sinti (PDF file)

Marushiakova, E., Popov, V. "Historical and Ethnographic Backgraund. Gypsies,
Roma, Sinti." - In: Guy, W. (Ed.) Between Past and Future: the Roma of Central and
Eastern Europe. Hatfield: University of Hertfordshire Press, 2001, 33-53. [Updated]

Historical and Ethnographic Backgraund:
Gypsies, Roma, Sinti

The region of Central and Eastern Europe, as described there, includes the countries
from the former socialist block - the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Poland, Hungary,
Rumania, Bulgaria, Albania, as well as the new states which have emerged from
former Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro, Macedonia, Bosnia and Herzegovina,
Croatia, Slovenia), and the Soviet Union (the European part – Russiaan Federation,
the Ukraine, Moldova, Belorussia, Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia).
Before the changes in 1989-1990, the name "Roma" was used as an endonyme
(an internal community self-appellation) in the countries of Central and Eastern
Europe (except for former Yugoslavia). This name was not widely popular and did
not have an official status. In order to be faithful to the historical principle we use the
word Roma only for the period after 1989. In all other instances we use the term
"Gypsies".
We think that "Gypsies" is wider in scope than "Roma" and we also use it to
include the Gypsy communities who are not Roma or who are considered to be
“Gypsies” by the surrounding population but they do not wish to be considered as
such and preferred various others identities.
The Number of Gypsies in the Central and Eastern Europe
Nobody knows exactly how many Gypsies are living in the countries of Central and
Eastern Europe. There are no reliable statistical and demographic data about the
distribution of the Gypsies and their respective internal subdivisions in each Central
and Eastern Europe country. There is only a significant amount of imprecise and
fluctuating data. So far no model has been created for possible data verification, it is
only possible to combine data from different censes with personal observation and
subject them to critical analysis, but the results of this approach are only approximate.
The problem is a complex one and touches upon the problems of preferred
ethnic awareness (the deliberate or genuine show of another, non-Roma identity) of
many Gypsy groups in these countries who do not want to be considered as Roma,
others do not wish to declare their ethnic identity for fear of repressions, still others
often cannot understand the questionnaires, and often the censes are performed by
people who consciously or unconsciously change the information obtained.
We would say that the official statistical censuses reflect about one-third of the
real number of Gypsies in each country. In some instances the discrepancies can be
even more drastic. We can give a number of relevant examples, such as the fact that
during the census in the Czech Republic in 1991 32 903 people declared themselves
as Roma, while experts estimate that their number is about 10 times higher.
According to data of the National Institute of Statistics of Slovakia the number of
Roma in 1999 is 83 988 while experts estimate that it is about 500 000. In the 1992
census in Romania 401 087 people declared themselves as Gypsies while different
estimates give their number as varying between 800 000 and 1 500 000, and some
think that it can even be 2 500 000. In the 1992 census in Bulgaria 313 396 people
declared themselves as Gypsies while according to the unofficial census of the
Internal Ministry their number is between 500 and 600 thousand, according to expert
estimations the number is 700-800 000, and according to the statements of Roma
leaders it exceeds one million. In the 1981 census in Yugoslavia 1471 people declared
themselves as Gypsies in the Republic of Montenegro while in the 1991 census no
one declared himself as a Gypsy.
Similar examples can be cited for other East and Central European countries
as well, but even without them it is clear that numbers cannot be precise and allinclusive.
There are different expert estimations on the number of Gypsies in each
country and the region as a whole. For the whole region the minimal number obtained
from national censuses is 1 500 000. The maximum number from different
estimations (including estimation of Roma leaders) is about 6 300 000.
On the whole was can only summarise the fact that the Gypsy population in
each country of the region is different in numbers - in some of them (Bulgaria,
Rumania, Hungary, Slovakia, the Czech Republic) they are 5-10 % while in others
(the countries of the former Soviet Union) they are less than 1 %.
In order to understand the historical destiny, the ethno-social structure and
ethno-cultural features and contemporary problems of the Gypsies in the Central and
Eastern Europe countries, we have to consider the following two circumstances:
1. Gypsies are a specific ethnic community, an "intergroup ethnic community"
which has no analogue in the other nations of Europe. The Gypsy community is
divided into a number of separate (and sometimes even opposed to one another)
groups, subgroups and metagroup units with their own ethnic and cultural features,
and often their problems are completely different in nature and thus not susceptible to
generalizations.
2. The past centuries of cultural and historical context of Gypsy life as well as
the contemporary social, economic and political situation in the different countries are
extremely important. The region has a complex historical destiny and the present day
situation differs from one country to another, all of them reflecting powerfully on
contemporary Gypsy life. Therefore all analysis of the Gypsy situation must always
be differentiated according to the specifics of each country (or group of countries).
For lack of space we will present only briefly the scheme of the overall picture
of Central and East European Roma. Since the Sinti in this region are too few in
number, only a few families in certain countries (Russia, Poland, Hungary, the Czech
Republic, Slovakia, Slovenia), we will speak mostly about the Roma without the need
of making a special distinction between them and other Gypsies.
Here we will try to explain both the complex subdivisions of Roma and also
their historical experience which has played such an important part not only in
moulding group perceptions of their own identity but also in determining of their fate.
Gypsies in the history of the region and their internal structure
The Gypsies constitute a specific ethnic community within South Eastern Europe. The
first evidence of the presence of Gypsies in Europe is on the territory of the Byzantine
Empire. The large-scale settlement of Gypsies in Balkan lands can be traced back
approximately to the period of 11th - 13th c., some earlier contacts are also possible
(some authors are inclined to think that Gypsy presence in these lands began in the
9th century). Numerous historical sources have recorded the Gypsy presence in
Byzantium, their entry into Serbia, Bulgaria, Wallachia and Moldova. In the 14th and
15th c. Gypsies gradually penetrated the other countries of Europe and in the 16th and
17th centuries quite a large number of Gypsies were settled permanently in Central
and Eastern Europe and feeling the impact of the surrounding social and political
environment.
The picture of Gypsy presence in Central and Eastern Europe changed with
each change in state borders followed by an exchange of Gypsy groups from
neighbouring countries. This situation was also influenced by the mass Gypsy
migrations during the different periods of history. The most important historical
migrations in modern times are:
- The end of slavery in Wallachia and Moldova and the following scattering of
Gypsies all over the world, known as the "great Kelderara invasion" (the second half
of 19th to the first half of 20th c.);
- The open borders of former Tito Yugoslavia, which led to the "Yugoslavian
wave" of Gypsy migrations of the 60's and 70's of 20th c.;
- The end of the so called socialist period in the countries of Central and
Eastern Europe and the subsequent changes leading to the "third wave" of Gypsy
migrations from the beginning of the 90's, also including Roma refugees from former
Yugoslavia in recent years (at first mainly from Bosnia and Herzegovina, and now
from Kosovo as well).
The internal migrations within countries are another influential factor. For
example, after W.W. II Gypsies from Eastern Poland moved to the newly added
Western territories in large numbers, at the same time Gypsies from Eastern Slovakia
were moving to the Czech territories which have been vacated by the German
population, and later (including during the separation of the Czech Republic and
Slovakia) they moved to the industrial areas. Within Yugoslavia Kosovo Gypsies
settled in the richer regions of Serbia, Croatia and Slovenia as early as the 60’s and
70’s,and this process has become more active with the disintegration of Yugoslavia.
Gypsies community (or communities) in Central and Eastern Europe can be
classified on the basis of various criteria such as their language, lifestyle, boundaries
of endogamy, professional specialization, time of settlement in the respective country,
etc. All these criteria reflect on Roma self-consciousness and identity, and give the
complete picture of the present state of Roma community. This is by no means a static
picture, it used to be different and will yet be different in other periods of history.
Gypsies have been settled for centuries on the Balkans (in our case specifically
in the countries of former Yugoslavia, Bulgaria and Albania). The Gypsy
communities who speak the Romani dialects of the Balkan dialect group are the oldest
Gypsy settlers on the Balkans, and the Gypsies speaking the dialects of the Old Vlax
(or South Vlax) dialect group are the descendants of a big wave of migration from
Wallachia and Moldova, who scattered in mass all over the Balkan Peninsula in the
17th and 18th centuries. The Balkans have a relatively well-preserved variety of the
different groups and metagroup communities who practice Islam or Christianity.
Some of them converted from one religion to the other in different periods of history.
The most general distinction between these communities is the distinction between
Muslims (Xoraxane Roma) and Christians (Dasikane Roma), who are divided into
more or less autonomous groups within each community. The groups are
differentiated at various hierarchical levels (i.e. the lead in Roma identity structure
can be on the level of the two major subdivisions or on the level of separate
subdivisions).
Examples for such subdivisions differentiated on various levels according to
various features are:
Among Balkan dialect group - the Arlia, Kovači, Tamari, Slovenska Roma,
Dolenska Roma, etc. in the countries of former Yugoslavia, Erlia, Burgudži, Futadži,
Fičiri, Drindari, Kalajdži, Košničari, etc. in Bulgaria, Arlia, Mečkara, etc. in Albania.
Among South Vlax – the Gurbeti, Džambazi, Bugurdži, Crnogorska Čergarja,
Bosnenska Čergarja, Kaloperi, etc. in the countries of former Yugoslavia; Džambazi,
‘Thracian’ Kalajdži, Vlaxorja (Vlaxički, Laxo), etc. in Bulgaria; Kaburdži, Kurtofi,
Čergara, etc. in Albania.
A relatively smaller number of Gypsies belong to groups who penetrate these
lands primarily at the time of the Great Kelderara invasion and who speak the
Romanes of the New Vlax (or North Vlax) dialect group. Today they live primarily in
Bulgaria and Serbia. This community is most often generalised as Kardaraša/
Kaldaraša, in some places also as Laješa or Katunari [i.e. Nomads]. A very popular
self-appellation is Rrom Ciganjaka (meaning “true Gypsies”). There are in-group /
subgroup subdivisions within this group (such are for example Zlatari, Tasmanari,
Žapleš, Dodolania, Lajneš, Njamcoria in Bulgaria), and their family and kinship
subdivisions.
The numerous community of Rudara/Ludara or Baňjaši/Bajaši inhabits the
whole Balkan Peninsula. They are also called Kopanari [cradle-makers], Koritari
[trough-makers], Vlasi [Wallachians], Karavlasi [black Wallachians], etc. by the
surrounding population. The Rudari in Bulgaria have preserved a certain extent of
intergroup subdivisions based on professional features, (such as Lingurari [spoonmakers],
Ursari or Mečkari [bear-trainers], and on regional features (e.g. Monteni,
Istreni, Thracieni, etc.). Instead of Romanes they speak their own dialect of
Rumanian.
The Rudara belong to that part of Gypsies on the Balkans, who have forgotten
their mother tongue and some other ethnic and cultural characteristics and tend to
change their ethnic identity - they are bearers of the phenomenon of "preferred ethnic
awareness". The Rudara often present themselves as true Vlaxs, old Rumanians.
Some of them are undergoing a process of searching for their own (non-Rumanian
and non-Roma) identity.
Other numerous Muslim Gypsy communities are also undergoing processes of
identity change. Most of them speak Turkish or are bilingual (using both Turkish and
Romanes) and pretend to be Turks - mostly in Bulgaria and in Eastern Macedonia. In
other instances the preferred community is the Albanian one in Kosovo and Western
Macedonia. With preferred Albanian identity are also part of the Albanian speaking
Aškali in ex-Yugoslavia. Similar in content though with different manifestations are
the processes of accepting the identity of the surrounding population, such as in the
groups of the so-called Džorevci [mules] in Bulgaria or Gjorgjovci in Serbia.
The processes of searching for and demonstrating of a different, non-Roma
identity acquire qualitatively new shapes for the Egjupti in Kosovo, Macedonia and
Serbia, as well as the Jevgi in Albania, who tend to present themselves as Egyptians
and insist to be recognised as an Egyptian minority. Recently similar processes of
search of the new, own, non-Gypsy identity could be observed among Aškalia in
Kosovo as well.
In Rumania the mosaic of Gypsy groups is also rather diverse and has not been
studied completely yet.
To a great extent this mosaic is determined by the division of the Gypsies in
different categories during their period of slavery in the Danubian principalities
(Wallachia and Moldova). With time the ancestors of the Vatraši category (from
“vatra” - fireplace, i.e. settled, domestic slaves), called also “kherutno” (i.e. those who
lives in houses) have lost their group distinctions and have become the big metagroup
community with partially preserved regional or professional specifics. Most of them
are only Rumanian speaking and many of them demonstrate preferred Rumanian
identity. Only small part of them speak Romanes as well.
Relatively preserved are the other groups, most of whom are descendants of
the Lejaša category. They used to be nomads and paid an annual tax to their hosts (the
prince, boyars, or monasteries). Such relatively well-preserved groups and subgroups
in Rumania (Wallachia, Moldova and the later on annexed territories of Transylvania,
Banat, Maramuresh, Dobrudzha) are Kăldărari, Zlatari, Čurari, Gabori, Kazandžii,
Aržentari, Korbeni, Modorani, Tismanari, etc. belongin to the North Vlax Dialect
group and Ursari, Spoitori, who are linguistically classified to the Balkan dialect
group) and others. The Rumanian speaking Rudari (or Aurari) also are a large
community who also used to have a special status at the time of slavery, and only
small part of them have preserved their own language (speak Romanes as well). In
Dobrudzha there are Turkish or Tatar speaking Muslim Gypsies with the respective
preferred identity. Transylvania is the home of a significant number of Romani
speaking Rumungri (Roma Ungrika) who are internally differentiated according to the
regions and speak Carpathian ir Central Dialekt of Romanes, and Hungarian speaking
Rumungri with preferred Hungarian identity.
In Central Europe the variety of Gypsy groups is relatively smaller than the
one on the Balkans and in Rumania. In Slovakia more than two-thirds of the Gypsy
population have been settled for centuries, mostly Slovenska (Slovak) Roma (divided
into Servika Roma and Bergitka Roma), speaking Carpathian dialects of Romanes and
Ungrika Roma or Rumungri, most of whom speak only Hungarian, and some of
whom have a preferred Hungarian identity. This is also the home of Vlašika or Olah
(Wallachian) Roma (their number there is less) from different subdivisions - Lovara,
Bougešti, Drizdari and others. The Vlašika Roma are former nomads, representatives
of a wave of Kelderara invasion, who have preserved their north-Vlax dialects of
Romanes, related to Kalderara/Kalderaša on the Balkans. Small communities of
Rumanian speaking Bajaši or Koritari, who are related to Rudara on the Balkans and
Bojaš in Hungary, are settled in Eastern Slovakia.
The situation in the Czech Republic mirrors the situation in Slovakia because
during the Second World War the local Czech and Moravian Roma and Sinti were
almost entirely annihilated in Nazi concentration camps. Only a few families of Czech
and Moravian Gypsies have survived the Holocaust. Most of them have lost the
language and most elements of their ethnic culture. After W.W. II the country was
repopulated by Gypsies who came from Slovakia (primarily from the region of
Eastern Slovakia).
In Hungary predominant are the settled Rumungri who have forgotten their
mother tongue and a considerable part of their ethnic and cultural characteristics. One
may also encounter Romani speaking groups of Rumungri, though they are less
numerous (mostly in Eastern Hungary), as well as an insignificant presence of
Slovenska Roma. Lesser in number are the Vlašika Roma or Olah Gypsies with
internal subdivisions into Lovari, Kelderari, Čurari, Drizari, Posotari, Kherara,
Čerhara, Khangliari, Colari, Mašari, Bugara and others. The community of
Rumanian speaking Bojaša (the analogue of the Rudara on the Balkans) also live in
Hungary. Their subdivisions are Ardelan, Muntian, Titian, etc.. Among some of them
there is an on-going process of development of Roma identity.
Poland is a country with a relatively smaller number of Gypsy population. In
the regions which used to be parts of the former Russian Empire live the Polska
(Polish) Roma, former nomads who are now scattered all over Poland. Their
community includes also the so called Xaladitka (or Ruska) Roma bordering the
former Soviet Union, as well as their relatives Sasitka (German) Roma near the border
with former Prussia. Bergitka Roma, who have been sedentary for centuries, live
along the Polish-Slovak border, and the groups related to them live on the other side
of the border. Some Kelderara and Lovara are scattered throughout the country. In
Poland in recent years there are a lot of Rumanian Roma (who have come mostly
from Transylvania) who are now more numerous than the local Roma.
Related Gypsy communities are predominant in the European countries of the
former Soviet Union. Their distinction is not particularly strict and it is often
determined by their historical destiny. The biggest among them is the community of
the Orthodox Xaladitka or Ruska (Russian) Roma with their territorial subgroup
subdivisions such as Vešitka, Smoljaki, Piterska Roma, Bobri, Uralci, Toboljaki etc.
Closely related to them are the Polska Roma (also called Xaladitka Roma) in
Lithuania, and Litovska [Lithuanian] Roma in Lithuania and Belarus (with various
subdivisions - Beni, Fandari, Lipenci, Pinčuki and others), most of whom are
Catholics. They are also related to the Lotfika (Latvian) Roma (called sometimes also
Čuxni, i.e. Finns) living in Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia and having their territorial
subdivisions such as Kurzemnjeki, Vidzemnjeki and Laloro (Estonian Gypsies), who
are Lutherans.
Next in numbers is the Gypsy community of the so-called Ukrainian Roma
with self-appellation Servi/Servuria, whose dialects are defined by some linguists as
proto-Vlax. They settled in Eastern Ukraine and the Southern parts of Russia as early
as the middle of the 16th century migrating from Wallachia and Moldova. Now they
are scattered all over Russia.
Relatively numerous are the Gypsy communities who are representatives of
the Balkan dialect groups who migrated from the Balkan peninsula in the 18th c.
These are the Ursara in Moldova and South Ukraine. Related to them linguistically
are the Kırımıtika/Kırımlıtka Roma or Krimurja (Crimean Gypsies), living in the
Crimea, South Ukraine, South Russia and Northern Caucases. They have a number of
subgroup and clan subdivisions - Čornomorludes, Kubanludes, Gezlevludes,
Barginja, Ariki, etc. The Community of Dajfa/Tajfa in Crimea, who are today
Tatarian speaking, come to these territories probably also from Balkans or Asia Minor
in times of Ottoman empire.
A considerable number of representatives of the north-Vlax dialect groups live
in those lands too, such as Vlaxi/Vlaxuria, smaller communities of Kišinjovcuria or
Kišinjovci live in Ukraine and Russia too and Čokenaria and Katunaria in Moldova.
The communities of Kelderara (with preserved internal subdivisions, such as Vungri,
Serbiaja, Bugari, Moldovaja, Dobrožaja, Grekuria, etc.) and Lovara (with subgroup
subdivisions Ungri, Prajzura and others), who arrived in Russia mainly through the
territories of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, are scattered in small family and kinship
groups throughout the former Soviet Union.
The Servika Roma and Rumungri settled in the Transcarpathian Ukraine long
time ago. Some of Rumungri are Hungarian speaking. Rumanian speaking Gypsies
(Besarabci, Lingurara, Vlaxija and others) are also living in Moldova, the Ukraine
and Russia.
Besides the Sinti (from the subdivisions of Prajzi, Pojaki and Esterxaria) other
non-Roma Gypsies are also living in the countries of the former Soviet Union.
Armenian speaking Boša as well as individual families of Asian Gypsies Karači from
Azerbaidjan can be seen today mainly in the bigger cities of the former Union. In
recent time a mass labour migration towards Russian cities of Gypsy-like groups
called Ljuli, self-appelation Muġat, from Central Asia is observed.
The internal subdivision of the Gypsies can explain the seemingly
contradictory facts. Some of these subdivisions, such as the Rumungri in Central
Europe, have lost their language and their ethnic culture and Roma identity to a great
extent and many among them are socially marginalised, while other subdivisions have
preserved their language and traditional ethnic culture quite well, including the
internal self-government institutions (such as Kris of Olah Gypsies in Central Europe,
Mešariava of Kardaraša in Bulgaria, Davija of the Krimurja in Crimea,
Sendo/Sjondo/Sudo of the Ruska/Polska Roma). These differences inevitably reflect
on the way of life. For example, the Roma in Southern Poland live in separate villages
and have acute social and economic problems, while in the rest of the country Roma
are scattered among the surrounding population, they are considered wealthy and their
problems are of an entirely different nature; why we observe the existence of "Gypsy
ghettos" in some Bulgarian cities where people live on the brink of human existence,
while only a few kilometers away, in some Bulgarian villages and small towns, the
biggest house belongs to a Roma family who are the richest people.
The internal subdivision of the Gypsies reflects in their group, subgroup and
preferred identity. Parallel with this the most of the Gypsies in Central and Eastern
Europe have established a qualitatively different new level in the complex structure of
their community identity. This is the feeling of belonging to the nations in each
respective country (variants of this feeling are the examples of adherence to the ideas
of Yugoslavism, Czechoslovakism or the united nations of the Soviet Union, the socalled
Soviet Nation). The presence of such a level in the structure of their identity as
a result of attaining of a certain level in the development of their civic awareness
seems somewhat paradoxical as compared to the Gypsies in Western Europe and the
US. However, this fact becomes easily accounted for in the light of the turns of their
historical destiny and their belonging in the social life of the countries and regions
where they have been settled for a long time and have felt the impact of different
types of policies. This reflects on their relations with the surrounding population and
the internal development of their ethnic community.
The models of the policy towards Gypsies
The ethnic and cultural specifics of the Gypsy communities, as well as the models of
attitude towards them by the authorities and the surrounding population, were formed
within state formations where the Gypsies lived after their arrival in Europe - in the
Byzantine Empire at first and then in its heir, the Ottoman Empire for those Gypsies
who remained on the Balkan peninsula. The Austro-Hungarian Empire and the
Russian Empire became the homes of those Gypsies who continued their migration.
The situation of the Gypsies who remained in the principalities of Wallachia and
Moldova (relatively autonomous ones, though with a nominally vassal status in
respect of the Ottoman Empire) is more specific. The situation of the Gypsies in these
historical state and political formations throws some light on the origin of their
inequalities and their different status in the Central and Eastern Europe states which
later emerged on their basis.
There is a wealth of historical information about Gypsy presence in Balkan
lands during the period of the Ottoman Empire. A great number of Gypsies came to
the Balkans together with the Ottomans (14th c.) either as participants (serving the
army) or as accompanying population. The issue of the civil status of Gypsies in the
Ottoman Empire is a rather complicated one as Gypsies had a special place in the
overall social and administrative organization of the Empire. Despite the populational
division into two main categories (the faithful vs. gentiles), Gypsies had their own,
rather specific dual status outside these two categories. Gypsies were differentiated
according to the ethnic principle (something quite unusual for the Ottoman Empire)
with no sharp distinction between Muslim and Christian Gypsies (for tax and social
status purposes). As a whole Gypsies were actually closer to the subordinated local
population, with the exception of some minor privileges for Muslim Gypsies (Gypsies
who worked for the army were more privileged). Nevertheless, Gypsies were able to
preserve a number of ethnic and cultural characteristics such as nomadic lifestyle,
some traditional occupations, etc. Processes of their sedentarization in towns and
villages were active. As early as the 15th c. there were settled Gypsies on the Balkans
who did agricultural work in the villages and unqualified work and services in the
towns. A new type of semi-nomadic lifestyle emerged as well (Gypsies with a winter
residence and an active nomadic season within regional boundaries). Most certainly,
these processes did not include all Gypsies, nevertheless they were very active. A
large part of the Gypsies on the Balkans live predominantly in ethnic neighbourhoods,
which originated as a pattern of settlements in as early as the days of the Ottoman
Empire and created a specific Balkan Roma ethnic culture.
The Gypsy groups on the territory of the Austro-Hungarian Empire felt the
powerful influence of the period of Enlightenment when the attempts to integrate
them in the macrosociety started. The main aim of the state policy at the time was to
transform Gypsies from predominantly nomadic people with no civil status into
settled, tax-paying, equal subjects of the Empire. We have to note the importance of
the decrees of Empress Marie-Therese from 1761 and 1767 and the decree of
Emperor Joseph II from 1783, which were the beginning of the so-called "new policy"
towards Gypsies. The purpose of this policy was to make Gypsies (the very name
"Gypsies" was forbidden and replaced with "new peasants", and "new Hungarians" on
Hungarian territory) abandon their nomadic way of life for a permanently settled
agricultural one; they were no longer allowed to speak their language and were
obliged to dress like the surrounding population; Gypsies received new non-Gypsy
names, they were granted rights and the respective responsibilities before the law,
including the responsibility to pay taxes; state and religious education were made
compulsory for Gypsy children, they had to be separated from their parents at the age
of four, no longer to maintain any relations with their parents, to be brought up in
peasant families, and after the age of 10 to be enrolled in state schools to learn trades,
etc. The ultimate goal of the logical sequence of measures was the annihilation of the
Gypsy community as such and the complete assimilation of the Gypsies. The final
results of this policy, however, were considerably different from the outlined goals
and their consequences are now manifest in the countries which emerged from the
Empire - the formation of separate Gypsy settlements outside populated areas (called
kolonia in Hungary, osada in Slovakia and Poland, tabor in Transcarpathean
Ukraine), loss of mother tongue and basic ethnic and cultural characteristics of most
Gypsies in Hungary and the Slovak Republic.
The situation of the Gypsies in the Russian Empire is quite different. There
they usually were not the targets of special attention and stayed out of the reach of
state politics, except for some inconsistent attempts in the 18th and 19th c. to apply
Austrian-Hungarian legislature to Gypsies (ban on nomadic life, compulsory
sedentarisation in the villages, denied access to the big cities, etc.). However, these
attempts failed, such as the failure to build special Gypsy villages in Bessarabia; the
ban on nomadic life turned out to be inapplicable in the vast territories of the Russian
Empire, and others. After a short time the authorities themselves ceased any Gypsyoriented
activities. The lack of a consistent Gypsy oriented policy and the relatively
small number of Gypsies as compared to the total population of the empire to a great
extent were the reasons for the preservation of their community identity and ethnic
culture. Until the end of the Russian Empire most Gypsies lived as nomads or seminomads,
scattered all over the vast territory of the empire, except the Gypsy musicians
in the big towns or the settled Gypsies in certain regions (such as the Crimea and
Bessarabia).
Gypsies were given slave status soon after settling in the Danubian
principalities of Wallachia and Moldova. There they were divided into several
categories: slaves of the crown, of the monasteries and of the boyars, as well as the
already mentioned distinction into Vatraši or domestic slaves (mostly of boyars or
monasteries), and Lajaši (mostly slaves of the crown). The latter were nomads who
were relieved of compulsory settlement after paying an annual ransom and allowed to
be nomads and exercise their traditional occupations. Gypsy groups belonging to this
category preserved their active or latent nomadic attitudes and thus became a source
of migration waves until modern times. Many Gypsies from the principalities
emigrated to the Ottoman Empire as early as the 17th and 18th c. The so-called "big
Kelderara invasion" began as a result of social and economical changes in modern
times and it peak was after the abolition of Gypsy slavery in Wallachia and Moldova
in the wake of the Crimean war. It led to new waves of Gypsy groups coming to
Europe in the second half of the 19th c. which changed the inter-ethnic stratification
of the Gypsy community in Central and Eastern Europe.
The above description outlines the historical formation of the basic patterns of
development of the Gypsy community and the attitudes of the macrosociety, including
the special politics of state institutions in Central and Eastern Europe towards it. Here
we can distinguish several basic patterns - the pattern of the Austro-Hungarian Empire
(in countries of the contemporary Czech republic, Slovakia, Hungary, parts of
Rumania and Poland), the pattern of the Ottoman Empire (Bulgaria, Macedonia,
Albania, Serbia and Montenegro, Bosnia and Herzegovina), of the Russian Empire
(Russia, the Ukraine, Belorussia, the Baltic countries, parts of Poland) and the unique
specifics of Wallachia and Moldova (a result of the specific slavery of the Gypsies).
These cultural and historical patterns are extremely resilient in the present day
conditions.
These patterns can be characterized in the following manner:
1. Ottoman Empire pattern: preserved civil status of the Gypsies, which,
however, is lower than that of the surrounding population. The ultimate goal of the
pattern is status quo, with open possibilities for voluntary assimilation.
2. Austro-Hungarian pattern: patronage, strong state interference in Gypsy life,
purposeful policy of the so-called "civilizing attitude" and others. The ultimate goal of
the pattern is complete forceful assimilation.
3. Russian Empire pattern: non-interference in the internal life of Gypsies and
lack of any consistent policy for their integration.
Certainly, these patterns are not absolutely pure in themselves, they occur in
different variants which are specific for each and every country in Central and Eastern
Europe, for some countries in particular (such as Croatia) or regions (such as
Transcarpathian Ukraine), which, due to changes in state borders, were included in
different cultural and historical regions in the different historical periods. Rumania,
whose present day territory includes the former principalities of Wallachia and
Moldova and parts of all the three big empires (Transylvania, Dobrudzha, Bukovina),
is another specific case.
These basic patterns had a considerable influence on the state policy of the
new ethnic and national states in Central and Eastern Europe, which emerged in the
19th and 20th c. There they were viewed through the lens of new state nationalism of
the Central and Eastern Europe countries and Gypsies in general were considered to
be a relatively less important problem compared to the implementation of the major
"national ideals", i.e. the governments of these countries did not regard having a
special "Gypsy policy" as their priority and this policy was always subordinate to the
major national ideas and priorities (for example, the Gypsy policy in Bulgaria has
always been determined by the predominant attitude towards the Turks; in Slovakia
by the attitude towards the Hungarian minority; in Hungary the determining factor is
the attitude towards the Hungarian minorities outside of Hungary, etc.).
In the region of Central and Eastern Europe we can distinguish two basic
patterns of the relations of the surrounding population and its institution (the
corresponding states) towards Roma:
- "Traditional" pattern, typical for the preindustrial age. This pattern has
diverse manifestations in particular cultural and historical regions. There the Gypsies,
though "alien" as a category and according to their detached status, determined by
ruling world-perception schemes of the period, are an inseparable part of the society
and the common cultural environment, with their own place in it. The Gypsies are not
perceived as an integral (let alone equal) part of the macrosociety and they do not
have any particular problems, since “they know their place” and do not aspire to
change it. This explains to a great extent why the Gypsies today constitute a relatively
high percentage of the population of a number of countries or regions, especially on
the Balkans (including Wallachia and Moldova) where the social structures and preindustrial
patterns are more or less preserved, unlike the destiny of their brothers and
sisters in Western Europe.
- "National" pattern, appeared in the beginning of the Enlightenment and
gradually became dominant in the era of modern national states (including the socalled
◊socialist era”). The attitudes towards the Gypsies in this era are subordinated
to the idea of the ethno-national state, they are considered a threat a priori (most often
a potential one). This is the source of the general attitude towards them as humans of
a second rate category, whose only perspective is to be "integrated", i.e. annihilated as
a distinctive community and finally - assimilated completely (or in specific historical
periods of time physical annihilated). The Gypsies living in these conditions are
influenced by the processes of change in the macrosociety and are trying to change
their social status, to seek ways for their total emancipation as a community within the
respective ethnic nation. This Gypsy reaction encounters the counteraction (in various
forms) of the society and the state institutions. These processes are still active today,
especially in some countries or regions of Central and Eastern Europe, where the
processes of national (and respectively state) development are far from being
completed.
The development of the countries of Central and Eastern Europe and their
"Gypsy policy" was influenced by the political order, which existed in the near past,
more specifically the "socialist era". The politics of the socialist countries regarding
the Gypsies were to a great extent similar and coordinated. The best example is the
forced sedentarisation - in 1956 the Soviet Union issued a sedentarisation decree, in
1958-9 it was repeated in Hungary, Czechoslovakia, Bulgaria and Poland (where the
process of sedentarisation was prolonged and a new special law for mandatory
residence was passed in 1964). In Rumania, Yugoslavia and Albania the processes of
mandatory sedentarisation took place a little later, in the 60's and 70's, due to the
specifics of their history. The implementation of the decree in each country followed a
different route - for example in Czechoslovakia the authorities made the nomads stop
traveling in the place they were when the decree was issued and the authorities
determined where and how they were to settle, while in Bulgaria the Gypsies were
moving from one place to another in search of more comfortable villages until the end
of the 70's.
Roma in the socialist countries did not have a status equal to that of the other
minorities. On the basis of Marx's and Lenin's definition of the hierarchical
development of human societies - tribe, nationality, nation - the "Gypsies" were
thought to be a community still below the level of required development which could
not be considered as a nationality, even less a nation. And since they had no country,
they were only regarded as an ethnic group and thus were deprived of the rights of
some minorities who were recognized as nationalities.
There is a short initial period of encouraging the development of Gypsy ethnic
community and culture in all socialist countries, followed by prohibitions and
restrictions which were more thorough in some countries (Rumania, Bulgaria), while
in others (the Soviet Union, Yugoslavia, Hungary) the ostentatious presentation of
selected cultural elements still remained (mostly music and dances). Some socialist
countries occasionally encouraged the creation of "Gypsy cultural and educational
organizations" which were later dissolved and their active members often persecuted.
A resistance to the ethnic and cultural specifics of the Gypsies, which were then
proclaimed a capitalist relic, was gradually becoming universal in the region. Because
of the considerable number of Gypsies in most countries (except Russia and Poland),
they were regarded as a demographic threat, a population with high birthrate who
could destroy the ethnic balance of the surrounding population.
A general trend was the attempt to make Gypsies equal citizens of their
countries and if successful, the attempt was expected to bring about the desired
complete assimilation in the future. In each country of the region this attempt had
specific forms of realization. The traditions inherited from earlier periods determined
the subtle nuances in the policy of "enforced assimilation" in each region and its
consequences for the present day status of Roma in these countries. In the countries of
former Austro-Hungary "Gypsies" were regarded as a social problem first and
foremost and the policy regarding Roma was mostly one of patronage, while in the
other countries the "Gypsy" related problems were of primarily ethnic character, with
a touch of religion on the Balkans.
After the changes in Central and Eastern Europe the specialised Gypsy state
policy (including the lack or imitation of one) remained mostly within the parameters
of the specific cultural and historical region. The changes in the ideological
foundations of this policy (for example the recent exchange of the concept of socialist
internationalism with the concept of civil society) did not bring any tangible changes
in the attitude of the macrosociety towards the Gypsies and in the main emphasis of
the state Gypsy policy. In this respect the centuries old historical patterns of attitude
towards Gypsies (both of the society and the state) turned out to be quite resilient in
Central and Eastern Europe without any particular hope for change in the foreseeable
future.
Trends in the development of the Roma community
The Roma in Central and Eastern Europe, however, should not be perceived only as a
passive object of experiments of social engineering throughout the different periods of
history. The numerous and diverse influences (economic, political, ideological and
others) of the macrosociety where the Roma live, did have an imprint on the
development of their community. This development is uneven, multi-directional,
sometimes even contradictory, but it has three main trends, which are related to each
other and influence one another.
1) Internal development of the community. This is an inherent trend in
community development. The Roma community, like any other community, is not a
static formation - either in terms of its ethno-social structure or in terms of its ethnosocial
features. Its internal evolution leads to ongoing major changes in its overall
structure - subgroup subdivisions are established from which new Roma groups arise;
at the same time there are active processes of obliteration of internal group distinction
and emergence of metagroup unity of different hierarchical ranges. This
contemporary development of the Roma community, after the fall of the old empires
and the emergence of new states in Central and Eastern Europe in 19th and 20th c., is
to a great extent limited within their own boundaries which leads to the emergence of
the above mentioned new level of Romani identity (within the respective nation).
2) Development of the community as part of the respective nation. This is a
relatively new process typical of the new era. It was first manifested in the end of the
19th c. and the first half of the 20th c. These processes were particularly influenced by
the so called socialist era, and it would not be far-fetched to say that this period was a
key factor for the development of the Roma community. The state policy in the
countries of Central and Eastern Europe, which stimulated and supported the
development of the Romanies as a community, was in most cases rather limited in
duration and contradictory when applied in practice. It rapidly gave way to the
established national patterns of attitudes towards the Gypsies. Nevertheless, thanks to
this policy and its combination with the overall social and political context, created
and guaranteed the existence of a number of opportunities for relatively equal Roma
participation in social life and the development of their civil awareness. The end
results of these processes for the Roma of Central and Eastern Europe are quite
different compared to the destiny of their brothers and sisters all over the world. Here
we can encounter many thousands of Romanies with relatively good education, and
quite a few with prestigious jobs - teachers, medical doctors, lawyers, military
officers, journalists, artists, scientists... Thus a new type of Roma elite was created
with new dimensions and values, which is very different from the traditional Roma
elite. The both types of elite exist parallel to one another. The members of the new
type of Roma elite (including their children), despite a number of weaknesses, now
are an important factor in the overall community development, though they should not
be considered the only and leading representatives of the community.
3. Development within global Roma nationalism. This is the relatively latest
trend of development of the Roma community, born in our century. Since the birth
and the first steps of the organised Romani movement, the representatives of the
community from Central and Eastern Europe (or immigrants from this region) have
been its main moving and leading force. This trend in community development
gradually constructs its new national ideology with a strong emphasis on certain ideas
- such as the use of the general name of Roma for all Gypsy subdivisions, an
aspiration to all-Roma union and denial of the right of existence of Roma with
preferred or new, non-Roma identity, new dimensions in the dichotomy Roma -
Gadzhe with an emphasis or imitation of confrontation between the two sides, a new
view of Roma history and a powerful emphasis on the Holocaust; the standardisation
of Romanes (the Gypsy language); and others. A very thin layer of the so-called
“international Roma” or “professional Roma” has come in existence. Some of these
people are now in the process of rediscovering their forgotten Romani ancestors (who
in some cases could even be imaginary ones). They are not bound to a specific
country, but to an international institution or non-governmental organisation and have
carried their work to a global level (often without the support of the Romanies in their
own country).
The development of this third major trend in Central and Eastern Europe at
present is rather contradictory. It is influenced by many factors, such as the infiltration
of new ideas after the collapse of old regimes, the crisis of the period of transition in
the countries of the region, the crisis in inter-ethnic relations, All-European
integration, favouring of Roma from human rights movement and its strong lobby
within international institution, rapidly developing “Gypsy industry” of the nongovernmental
sector and others. Because of the complexity of these processes, we
cannot predict the development of this trend, but there is no doubt that its relative
place in the overall development of the community will keep growing in the near or
distant future. Moreover, the very development of Roma nationalism will hardly be
possible without the active presence of the Roma from Central and Eastern Europe,
who are a decisive factor for its success (in terms of their numbers and qualities).
* * *
The described three main tendencies in the developing of the Roma community
constantly cross themselves, they move from one to other and like this they enriches
by themselves. Formatted during the “Socialist epoch” new Roma elite in Eastern
Europe fed the developing of the global Roma nationalism and promoted significantly
it’s level (this was also clearly seen on the last congress of the International Romani
Union in Prague, where the Eastern Europe Roma dominated). And the developing of
the Roma nationalism in global measures and it’s international and human rights
lobby gave self-confidence and affirmed the ambitions for independent participation it
the political life of Romanies in many countries in Eastern Europe (this tendency was
clearly shown during the last years). The representatives of the “traditional” elite of
the Roma community (mainly the Kalderaša and other relative to them groups) are
becoming more and more active in the Roma movement (on national, and
international level). The processes are also influenced by many “outer” factors,
connected to the given situation in the different countries in Eastern and Central
Europe, and by the common processes of European integration and world
globalization as well, and on this stage it is quite hard to foresee what particular
dimensions will they have in closer or in more distant future.
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